The incidence of violent deaths in geographic perspective , Colombia , 2004-2013 : An analysis based on the concept of spatial regimes

Homicide, deaths in traffic accidents, other lethal accidents and suicide are, by incidence, the causes of violent deaths. Forensic medicine and auxiliary disciplines have made significant scientific contributions to formalize an epidemiology of these phenomena, ethnology being the commonly used methodological choice. This paper proposes two different approaches in order to contribute to this epidemiology, on the understanding that it is a phenomenon that has spread in the country for decades and has affected a considerable contingent of population size. The first is the basic geography of the incidence of violent deaths by town, describing their spatial regularities, while the second chooses the statistical analysis under the assumption that five spatial regimes identified with demographic and economic criteria exist and each one will verify the temporary continuities and certain hierarchy linked to trends in employment or unemployment of the Colombian territory.


INTRODUCTION
The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the qualification of epidemiological studies on violent deaths in Colombia, a contribution that is confined to clarify the spatial and temporal regularities of the four modalities and formulate some hypotheses that connect their incidence with the ongoing spatial regimes in Colombia, the main one precisely being that there are substantial differences in the incidence of violent deaths, reflected by the rate per hundred thousand inhabitants among spatial regimes.With this purpose in mind, we start discussing the notion of spatial regimes as a prelude to their identification in the case of Colombia, and finally, the incidence of each of the four forms of violent death.The final thoughts are to suggest content policy for the systematic reduction of these incidences until their eventual eradication.
authorities to be the unit of analysis most commonly used for statistical production.Contiguity and jurisdictional boundaries, as well as coordination of the departments, are the criteria that are the bases of the municipal strategy of the political-administrative and fiscal decentralization, and the defense of the interests of the municipality is the constitutional rule that guides and upholds the local autonomy.Are these analyses the best representation of territorial dynamics?Are there significant features that discontinuous or distant municipalities share?And, if any such features exist what rules govern them?
The dynamics of certain markets beyond jurisdictional boundaries of territorial entities aside from certain ecoterritorial units have been arbitrarily fragmented for the sake of creating municipalities required as a condition of local politics.The answer to the first question above refers to the value of an alternative analytical approach that, in most cases, requires the use of a unit of analysis of broader spatial scope, generally some kind of region just to be consistent, has failed to go beyond the current model of territorial state.Exercises of regionalization proliferate.The natural regions, as an example, are the introduction to the knowledge of the geography of the country but are insufficient to the extent that further regionalization with environmental criteria have revealed geographic and climatic determinism important for the understanding of territorial dynamics that in the era of climate variability have assumed greater significance.
The relevance of the second question which is the possibility of similarity amidst the distance lies, first, in the need for an alternative analysis to intraregional heterogeneity; and, secondly, arises from the need for reorientation of the territorial policies with differential approaches that promote sustained wealth creation and its better redistribution.Ultimately, it arises from the need to expose the incongruity of the territorial state model and, in a manner that is consistent, the need for its redesign.The criteria to identify these features are as varied as the interests and inclinations of the theoretical researchers; in fact, based on the preceding example, it can be observed that the feedback that the rainfall will acquire as crucial statistics to arrive at the understanding of the territorial dynamics in view of weather anomalies and, therefore, the resilience of local socio-ecological systems.For now, the urbanization of the population continues to be the phenomenon of broader space and, through the analysis of the hierarchical system of cities, spatial regimes are discernible.
The notion of spatial regimes forms the base of the different approaches of center-periphery.
With the purpose of understanding the organization of national spaces as a stage and, in turn, result of the evolution of the capitalist system, geographers have led the theoretical production on which, in turn, have gravitated many of the developments spatial economy.Corrêa (1997), for example, considers the German tradi-Alfonso 85 tion as an anachronistic approximation of reality that goes far beyond the centrality of capitalism, as phenomena own network of cities of developing countries have different origins, as well internal linkages and external closely connected with social inequalities that characterize the Latin American continent.The city network is the social product where the spatialized social interactions (Corrêa, 1997: 93) occur and therefore, the explanation of the emergence of new territorialities is on the way minority groups in society conquer certain spaces.
Such groups are a characteristic feature of societies that have been built on huge disparities and persistent economic dependence (Azcárate et al., 2002), the urban macrocephaly the dominant form of economic spaces whose demo-economic dynamic contrasts with the rise of marginality.
In connection with the Latin American development, dependency theorists espouse the idea of succession dependency as a commonhistorical feature of the subcontinent.Meanwhile, theorists of imperialism argue that the transfer of the contradictions of capitalism from the dominant countries-central-to the dominated countries-periphery-is an inherent result of the dynamics of the system, spontaneity of a phenomenon of great complexity that is criticized by those who emphasize the different forms assumed by inter-regional imbalance and, especially, by those who believe that "urbanization is correlated with the development of the productive forces" (Singer, 1998.71) and therefore is associated with the overlapping of determinants of far reaching socioterritorial phenomena such as the rural-urban migration and demographic transition of each nation.
The theorists of the so called New Economic Geography in their interest in "showing with the greatest possible clarity and simplicity how interactions among the increasing returns at the enterprise level, transport costs and factor mobility can lead to the emergence and subsequent modification of a spatial economic structure" (Fujita et al., 2001, 68) proposed a model of the core-periphery type that "can provide good analytical results to every economist who does it" (Fujita et al., 2001, 68).To arrive at the formulation, acknowledge the gross simplifications ofreality with which one builds the assumptions that give the model operability, and emphasize transport costs as a regulatory element in the stability of inter-regional balance that in its interaction with the mobility of factors of production enjoy a high potential to produce economies of agglomeration.
At the national level, Durlauf and Johnson (1995) were the pioneers in the criticism of the models of convergence of the regional growth rates suggested by Barro andSala-i-Martin (1991, 1992), to verify the existence of multiple steady states that, sorted each of the 96 economies considered according to the initial conditions and using literacy levels as a control variable, yield as a result that in the capitalist world four spatial regimes coexisted.Dall'erba and Le Gallo (2005) explicitly employ the notion of spatial regimes, as a theoretical and analytical alternative approaches to the regional convergence arising from the same neoclassical models of economic growth posed fifteen years ago, supposing the equalization of per-capita income among regions as immanent result to market dynamics.The distinctive feature of the regional dynamics from the configuration of the Euro zone is the increase of the regional inequality within peripheral regions that hold lower levels of development than those in the center.To reach this conclusion, these two spatial regimes were established with statistical criteria such as the per-capita income calculated for a sub-regional spatial level from the cartography of Eurostat, "and can be interpreted as the convergence clubs according to the following rule: if the statistic for region i is positive, this region belongs to the group of 'rich' regions and if negative, this region belongs to the 'poor ' regions" (Dall'erba and Le Gallo, 2005: 127).
Hasbaert (2014) discusses the regional geography, based on their disagreement with the results of the homogenizing globalization thesis checks because, in contrast, who attended a "permanent reconstruction of heterogeneity and fragmentation", regionalization and who seek to account for the spatial differentiations.Different approaches have in common regional geography reveal what specific or "differentiation of areas", the integration of human and natural dimensions, spatial continuity, regional stability and meso-scale analysis referred to the nation-state.The differences of degree and nature, which are the foundation of territorial diversity, are at the base of the increase in inequality promoted by a very selective as today capitalism, and rescue identity promoted by different social groups (Hasbaert, 2014).
This paper emphasizes a comprehensive look at the territory to identify and characterize the spatial regimes.This means that regardless of the starting point, the socio-economic and eco-climatic events must uphold spatial-temporal regularities to be differentiated in terms of intensity and probability of occurrence and, therefore, the possibility of randomness should be minimized.Therefore, territorial entities belonging to spatial regimes should have more than one feature in common and, in aggregate form, such schemes should substantially differ from each other.The statistical rule of clusters, i.e, the minimum variance within each regime and maximum variance among regimes, is useful in the comprehensive analysis of the various determinants of territorial dynamics proposed here.
The third question relates to the rules that govern the territorial regimes a crucial question that must be answered if you want to intervene accurately with the course of events; i.e. it is an unavoidable aspect of the diagnostic phase of any territorial public policy.The most successful efforts for formulating the law of population of each territorial regime must be made from the different currents of eco-ecology.On the basis of such schemes are situations such as the systematic population decline and simultaneously the highs and lows in food production, while at the top there are large human agglomerations whose absolute population growth is constant and food demand is overly supplied by the fertile regions, imports andprocessed supply amid distributive inequity that is polarized between the waste and malnutrition.Productivity approaches its limits due to the boom of the value-price in the markets of the agroindustrial goods, which is a powerful incentive to increase the materialproduct of the earth and, in a consistent manner, the ecological deterioration of the surface layers and aquifers.Amid the latent shortage, competition for wealth explodes violently when the territorial model of state and its institutions reveal their weaknesses to ensure respect for the life and property rights of the population.Migrations and Diasporas appear as the alternative for a new way of life in a different habitat located generally in another space regime.

THE HIERARCHY OF THE VIOLENT DEATHS IN COLOMBIA AND SOME EPIDEMIOLOGICAL FEATURES
This analysis refers to the four forms of violent death considered by the forensic medicine in Colombia: homicide, deaths in transit accidents, other lethal accidents and the suicide.

Homicide
Homicide as the way to more frequent and violent death in Colombia is one of the most serious offenses as violating the fundamental human right of life, depriving everyone else (Franco, 2005).Generally, this type of death is staged public roads, followed by housing.The lack of tolerance, failures in the systems of education and lack of respect. in the family sphere trigger violent behavior among members of a society.According to De la Hoz (2003: 25), murder can be "instrumental, when exercised with specific purposes such as sociopolitical, territorial or economic scale control; random when it happens accidentally in actions against property and property of citizens (street robberies, burglaries, for example); or impulsive when it happens as a result of dysfunctional relationships exposed to factors of latent and manifest (e.g.quarrels, whose trigger is alcohol and drugs' risks).Franco (2005) argues the spatial, temporal and relational generalization of violence; the complexity of the dynamics recognized the multiplicity of actors, circumstances, origins and manifestations and, finally, the degradation of violence.Impunity encourages violent behaviors that lead to murder.The use of violence is endogenous to murder.Ricaurte (2011) may be intrapersonal violence revenge being the determining factor; sociopolitical violence originated in the ideological polarization; and finally, domestic violence that primarily affects women.Other embodiments are by Lozano (2012) analyzed, such as indigenous groups exerted on the geostrategic interest motivated by their territories from the armed outlaw, the drug trade, local elites and multinational groups.Similarly, various studies conducted by the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences highlight the increase in juvenile violence associated with school violence, domestic violence, fights between gangs and criminal gangs and violence between bars sports teams, especially football.

Traffic accidents
The risk of occurrence of traffic accidents rise with the increase in the sinuous roads and inadequate design in terms of camber, by bad mechanical state of the vehicles and for breach of traffic rules for drivers.In 2003 figures, the cost of accidents was equivalent to the budget for education and health (López et al., 2003).Since 2007 the number of accidents has increased to the point that in 2012 the rate of fatalities highest traffic of the decade (Moreno, 2012) was recorded.The human factor is the main cause of most accidents.According to Hernández et al. (2004) drivers violate traffic rules in error and / or intentional conduct.It can also occur due to ignorance of the rules.Forero (2007) believes that "there are factors of sociological, psychological and biological order can influence human behavior and the assimilation of the norm."The pedestrian remains the first victim, but in recent years there has been an increase in accidents in which the most involved are cyclists and motorcyclists.As for cyclists, González (et. ál., 2005) argue that most of the victims are young adults, the main risk factors for breach of traffic rules, lack of traffic signals, obstacles in Via not wear a helmet, vest with reflectors or rear lights, speeding and climatic factors.As motorcyclists, Rodriguez (2010) states that, compared to high vehicular congestion of Colombian metropolis, the motorcycle has become the solution address the growing need for mobility.This means of transport to be small, inexpensive and easy operation, became a working environment, entrepreneurship and fun to decrease travel time for their owners; however, its great weakness is associated with the protection of the occupants.
In relation to the mechanical factors, López et al. (2003) suggest that in middle-income countries such as Colombia, the accident in transit increase due to the aging of the fleet.To corroborate this, Hurtado and Trujillo (2006) raised a mathematical and experimental Alfonso 87 model to identify some mechanical characteristics of the vehicles involved when the accident through the identification of traces of braking and the mechanical causes of the collision.As for the prevention and sanction both Forero and Valbuena (2009) as Forero (2008) agree on the need to restore the legitimacy of the state so that drivers are not motivated to break the law due to the inefficiency of the competent authorities.

Other accidents
Accidents do not happen by chance, but by the combination of human and environmental factors (Soriano, 2007) associated with the activities carried out by individuals (Garzón, 2010).The largest proportion, about 80% of people who die in an accident are men and most deaths tends to concentrate in the evening hours, especially on weekends (Gonzalez et al., 2006), but other patterns are not minor, such as the ratio of territories with high wealth river drowning (González et al., 2005), a phenomenon that particularly affects children.
The leading cause of accidental death has been the fall, being the most vulnerable older adults, due to the loss of some capabilities and basic and psychological functions such as change in vision and balance, among others (Gonzalez et al., 2006).Most accidents occur in the home because of neglect by family members or caregivers of vulnerable populations such as children and the elderly.Soriano (2008) states that most drownings occur in pools, which may reflect the relaxation of parental controls when children go to these places in their free time.Another phenomenon that affects the accident figures is the use of gunpowder.The use of gunpowder that although it is believed that its use is associated with the Christmas season occurs throughout the year due to the proliferation of fairs and festivals in the country (Perdomo, 2009).According to Moreno (2011), most of these events are preventable, since many cases are associated with system failures occupational safety, negligence of another and lack of prevention.

Suicide
The highest number of deaths by suicide occurs among young adults and the elderly.For every woman who commits suicide, four men do too.Alejo et al. (2003) distinguish two phases of the phenomenon: when the individual who wants to harm attempts suicide, and when suicide is consummated.Montalbán (1998), cited by Bohórquez (et al., 2004) proposes a taxonomy of suicide: "a) those whose beliefs make them consider suicide as a transition to a better life; b) those who feel so alone than live as a release and represent an escape from an intolerable situation in real life; c) psychotic who commit suicide in response to hallucinations or delusions; and, d) those who commit suicide out of spite and the belief that people grieve and that they, somehow, will be there to see their affliction ".Chica (2010) recognizes the importance of psychological reconstruction of the deceased helping you identify personality traits with difficult situations that may lead to understanding the causes that led him to believe that death was the only solution for all internal sufferings.Adolescence and old age are critical age where the individual becomes more susceptible against their own feelings and emotions.With aging some pictures of depression and loneliness, isolation and disease raise the odds of attempting suicide.In adolescence, some situations suggest to young there is no reason to continue living.This can be caused by psychological abuse, physical, sexual, academic failure, separation from home, lack of affection, domestic violence or bullying academic lead to demotivation feel young live.The type of homicide-suicide occurs as soon as a person kills himself 24 h after having made a homicide, depressive trait which, according to Castaño (2005), usually taken for lashing the act or fault, for fear of being judicialized, or as victim of the same act of murder.

Violent deaths in the last decade at the Colombian territory
From a territorial point of view, 4.1% of Colombian muni-cipalities have not seen a homicide in the last decade; 10.4% have had no traffic accidents; 5.3% have had no other types of accidental deaths and 14.5% have not reported suicides.The whole intersection is an even smaller proportion-1.6% of Colombian municipalities, where there have never been violent deaths in the last decade.The distribution of inflicted or self-inflicted, or by non biological causes such as diseases presents a persistent hierarchy that in aggregate terms for the period of the study is reflected in Figure 1, in which murder far exceeds the other remaining three modalities.Gaitán (2006: 246-257) warned that Colombians are not culturally violent, and to this end, verified the existence of periods of peace with the subsequent substantial drop in the number of homicides.This is not the trend in recent decades, since the gradual reduction and the slowing of the rate of homicide nationwide is evidenced in Table 1, in contrast with the occurrence of the phenomenon in traditionally peaceful places, a phenomenon that had already been identified by National Reference Center on Violence at the end of the last century.The spatial escalation of homicide leading to the omnipresence in the Colombian territory, sum up certain regularities to provide a complex picture in which the masculinity of the victims-never less than 92% of cases, is linked with a high incidence among men between 18 and 45 years old, with the use of firearms as a lethal instrument preferred by the perpetrators of the act of murder and the prevalence of urban public space as a preferred scenario to commit the act.But any epidemiology of homicide is pointless if the determinants and the mobility of the behaviors of the murderers are not known, and the territorial features that set them apart.The political violence mediated by ideological intolerance, the promotion by different segments of illegal drug trade, the targetingof smallholders and small landowners and ethnic groups which see it as ancestral values, the presence of death squads carrying out "social cleansing" in metropolitan public spaces, the biopolitical violence directed at the youth, who create images such as graffiti, and rap singers of graphic phrase are determinants that together with vengeance and defense of honor explain the largest proportion of homicides.In any case, the executors of the act of killing are people who are unaware of the ethical value of life or, if they are aware of it, it can easily be broken with monetary stimulus or the feeling of social recognition, among others, and therefore the lack of this awareness must be overcome, both within the family and in the classroom, preferably with a reform of the educational system explicitly aimed for this purpose.
The problems caused by the poor state of roads for motor vehicles, including inadequate signage, collapse of road base frames, landslides, abrupt dropsin roads and their sudden impassability because of climate variability, coupled with the poor technical and mechanical condition of vehicles and the ignorance and breach of traffic rules, the inherent abuse of speed by the drivers and their deficient psychomotor skills associated with the consumption of liquor, ingestion of hallucinogenic drugs and others that dull the senses and the speed of reaction, make up a bundle of determinants of deaths in traffic accidents.These are characterized by unpredictability and wrongful deaths associated with irresponsibility.The most vulnerable have been pedestrians and then motorcyclists and, again, the masculine gender of the victims is a dominant trait in at least 80% of the cases.The passengers and the channels of public vehicles and private transport form the third group of victims in order of importance, while the most vulnerable age groups are the elderly.The risk associated with the increased speed of interaction that promotes the global economy, the use of the motorcycle as work instrument in the era of labor flexibility, the increase in travel time and finally the territorial features where they occur are four unknown aspects until now in the epidemiology of deaths in traffic accidents.
The deaths caused by accidents occur mainly because of neglect and unpredictable events associated with the environment and climate variability.The lethality of these accidents, on average, revolves around 20% of cases.The incidence by age group increases with age, reflecting the effectiveness of the measures for the care of infants and the neglect of senior citizens.Around 80% of fatal accidents are male and a significant portion is unintentional self-inflicted injury and the other in the work environment, affecting specially farmers and workers.Falls from great heights are the main mechanism, followed by drowning, electrocution, suffocation and poisoning.In the epidemiology of fatal accidents, the differences due to territorial determinism have not been considered.
Suicide tends to be associated with the mental health of its practitioners or the abrupt decrease of lithium in the human body.But the main trigger of suicide is the economic crisis, which according to the perspective of the one who commits suicide prevents him from successfully solving his own needs and those of his dependents.This was noted by Durkheim (1965: 195) who disagreed with these conventional diagnosis when he said that "a live being cannot be happy, and may not even live, unless his needs are sufficiently proportionate to his means."If this is so, the almost unchanging rate of suicide indicates that in Colombia there is a layer of residents exposed constantly to a crisis of means of survival, i.e, some shortcomings of structural nature that are not captured by the ups and downs of economic growth.These shortcomings are the basis of triggering other phenomena such as the revenge of a person in love who does receive his partner's affection, or disenchantment with life in the manner of Andrés Caicedo, Colombian novelist who committed suicide was very young.For young people, it is common as a suicide trigger thehopelessness of their lives when families cling to old beliefs or strange codes such as the arranged marriage that led Jinju to commit suicide with her first-born in the womb, notwithstanding, that such practices are prohibited in modern China (Yan, 2013).Suicide rates are explained to a great extent by the masculinity of suicide and are higher in the groups of 18 to 30 and over 70.As the media crisis is widespread, its intensity does not present substantial differences between spatial regimes.
The calculations that are used later differ, although in an insignificant mannerwith the regular publications by Forensis insofar as they are the only cases attributable to a municipality and also employ the population projections adjusted by DANE.The tendency of the rate of homicides in the last decade is to its gradual decline, while that of the other forms of violent deaths has very few changes, almost constant in time.Therefore, all the fluctuations in the total rate are due almost exclusively to what happened to the murder rate that continues to triple from the deaths in traffic accidents, which is the second leading cause.At the municipal level, the incidence represented by the rate per hundred thousand inhabitants has some outstanding features, such as the fact that the municipalities with the highest incidence are those of eastern Colombia and Piedemonte plains, recurring scenarios of the internal armed conflict such as Vistahermosa (270.7),Puerto Rico (218.6),Pajarito (198.0) and La Macarena (163.7) and El Dovio (171.6) and Briceño (167.9) in the west of the country.Traffic accidents that occurred on the way to the eastern plains in the stretch between Granada (148.9),Guayabetal (136.7) and Canyon Upía (119.4), as well as pathways San Luís (111.9) and Yotoco (100.7), have been the most prevalent in the last decade.Meanwhile, in Corrales (69.3) and California (59.3), very small municipalities in Boyacá and Santander, respectively, the incidence of fatal accidents has been the highest.Finally, in Villa de Leyva (39.3) the incidence of homicide is at the top due to an unusual increase of the phenomenon in 2004.Figures 2 to 6 show the incidence of the four types of violent causes of deaths and their aggregate in the Colombian geography.
Homicide is a phenomenon whose intensity is much higher in the Llanos foothills, in Antioquia and in the valleys of the west than in the rest of the country, while fatal traffic accidents are higher in the highways to Llano     Road, in the roads to the sea and, to a lesser extent in the highways of Cali that lead to the south-west of the country.Meanwhile, the intensity of other types of fatal accidents has particularly affected the northern part of the foothills and from there in an easterly direction to the departments of Santander and North of Santander.In the case of suicide, its greatest intensity occurs in the Andean regions and, with as much or more intensity in Puerto Carreño on the border with Venezuela.Remarkable is the low intensity of this phenomenon in the Caribbean and the Pacific, a situation that is immediately associated with certain less severe cultural traitsthan the Andean but the power of family and supportive networks of friends in the event of crisis are less explored.Finally, the incidence of the four causes of violent deaths that is presented in Figure 6, reveals the relatively low intensity of the phenomenon in the eastern cordillera, the pacific and the middle part of the Caribbean, from the Gulf of Urabá to the vicinity Santa Marta, as in the Amazon and the bottom of the Altillanura.

INCIDENCE OF VIOLENT DEATHS SPACE SCHEME
Are there substantial differences in the rates of violent deaths in the spatial regimes of Colombia?If the answer to this question is yes, the usefulness of the results lies on the fact that this dimension of the phenomenon should be part of an epidemiology that based on spatial patterns assure its prevention effectively.The hypothesis of epidemiological polarization that is found at the base of the question will be verified through descriptive statistics and parametric exercises that, without a doubt, are exercises that have limitations in the face of the ethnographic approaches that social anthropology puts forward but the overall vision justifies the methods used here.Epidemiological polarization refers to the persistence in the last decade, and in some areas of Colombia, of high incidence of death from violent causes, compared to other areas in which it has remained at very low levels.This notion is derived from the differences of degree proposed by Haesbaert (2014) for territorial analysis.
The identification of spatial regimes that are presented in Table 2, and their characterizations (cf.Alfonso 2012aAlfonso , 2012b)), are the result of different demo-economic exercises in which the criteria of structural interaction population-changes of residence-and jurisdictional dailycyclical movements-helped identify the nine metropolitan areas comprised of their core and 56 metropolized municipalities, while the criteria of population primacy and theirthree measures found that among department capitals there are two sub-regimes thus, in effect, 22 hold different levels of primacy and the remaining two are not even the most populous in their departments.Finally, the review of the absolute and relative population growth for the rest of municipalities in recent intercensal periods identified three regimes: municipalities with stable growth, moderate growth and persistent growth decline.
It is very likely that the future of territorial phenomena subsequent to 2005, especially those associated with climate variability and the intensification of internal armed conflict, has consolidated these regimes, so that metropolitan areas must have continued to host the largest share of population growth, while a significant proportion of municipalities with moderate growth must have migrated to the regime of municipalities with persistent decline.But these phenomena can only be demonstrated with the results of the next census of population that the country is already in default to perform.

THE HOMICIDE
The homicide, despotic expression from the lack of ethical value of life, has geographical regularities among which is the metropolitan concentration that, for what happened in the last decade, highlights the reaffirmation of a territorial mode of operation of their executors, inherited from the degradation of democratic security.Homicide statistics that are used show both what happens but conceal what is forbidden to us.In the first case, the number of homicides recorded by Forensics is higher than that reported by the National Police.For what reason?Who is competent to perform the autopsies?Beyond these issues and in relation to what the statistics do not reveal, it is known that the mass graves abound where murderers bury traces of their crimes, so that if these bodies were properly accounted for population incidence of homicide would rise and the dimension of the already very serious state of helplessness of thousands of victims would worsen.
The origins of the homicidal violence in Colombia are associated the anti-democratic development of agriculture.Without having solved the problem, the violence escalated because of the rigidity of the State in its position to advance the agrarian reform.Linked to these triggers, the main cause of the rise of homicidal violence today has been drug trafficking, a phenomenon that knows no right, left nor center and whose corrupting power has blurred both the inner state system and some ranks of the civil society.If the homicidal mark of drug trafficking during its heyday was indelibly etched in the Colombian territory, it has deepened during the periods of contraction of theharvested area from the coca leaf and the domestic price of coca paste.That is to say, that such deepening is largely due to the dispute of a smaller stock of illicit income by a contingent of greedy promoters and distributors that will not shrink but, on the contrary, tends to widen the "criminal batallions" being its most conspicuous expression.Therefore, the income of extortion and bribery has emerged as a complement to the contracted income from drug trafficking.
In related activities such as hired killings, it is common to find the executioners doing the sign of the cross before beginning the macabre operation that will end the life of their victim, knowing that it is violating the commandment "Thou shalt not kill."That routine illustrates, among other things, that stubborn inclination of Colombians to disregard the rules, however, as in the aforementioned case, the rules of divine origin.I imagine that the Church has an explanation for this that for now, I am not aware of.Such contempt, with regard to homicide, is essentially due to the absence of ethical value for life within the codes that guide the behavior of murderers.The content of such value should be taught in basic education, but has been neglected in favor of certain matters aimed at increasing competitiveness, a policy that has produced equivocal results.Therefore, the murderer cannot be treated as a madman or homicidal violence as a pandemic, but that, following Einstein's logic, "what is crazy is that the state pursues results that are different using the same guidelines that have led us to democratize insecurity and defenselessness, such as reduced sentences and release.
The confluence of the battalions of criminals in metropolitan areas is a phenomenon that overlaps with the emergence of new triggers of homicidal violence, interwoven, mainly, in the bloody reconfiguration being experienced the world of work.Without the Fordism having reached the promise of the universalization of social security in health or pensions, although if the strenuous increase of labor productivity, a multitude of producers of ideas, from knowledge and images which have been launched into cyberspace, to the classroom and onto the streets of the great human agglomerations to propose new social relations.Such proposals of immaterial production come into conflict with the Fordist legacy and take metropolitan public space where ideas of peace in the verses of rap music and images on the graffiti are disseminated, but their authors are gunned down in the streets of the North Eastern Commune in Medellín or in the prestigious Avenida Pepe Sierra bridge in Bogotá, as neither the teenage skater by inadvertently trespassing an "invisible border" in some corner of Siloam, managed to escape death.
But another determinant of homicidal violence that daily claims more victims is some form of political violence, triggered not because of ideological differences but because of the violent dispute from the spoils of fiscal decentralization and royalties that thicken municipal coffers.Decentralization was implemented in the municipalities of Colombia in the middle of a contingent of local politicians accustomed to settle their differences in blood and fire.With the increase in the fiscal situation, the participation of the municipalities in the nation's current revenue and in the royalties from the exploitation of the subsoil, consolidated corruption and homicidal violence like a midwife to the distribution of local budgets.In the midst these archaisms, the "entrepreneurs of municipal procurement" have formed, devoid of academic profile or of business vision but endowed with political connections in the underworld who choose to bribe officials from third category to which decentralization has entrusted them the spoils of local public investment.In other cases as much or more aberrant, the authorities of the local public expenditures are for the politicians.
The metropolitan homicide incidence is significantly higher than in the rest of the country: 40.4 versus 37.5 in the country (Table 3).Except in 2006 and 2007 when the metropolitan and national rates were virtually identical, in the rest of the decade the metropolitan homicide has exceeded the national rate.The metropolitan areas, at the top of the hierarchy of the clusters of the country, are the places where homicide is concentrated and the most dynamic structures of their executioners are reproduced.National Police spokespersons have maintained before the public opinion that in the cities there are no criminal gangs.These spokespersonsare right if they mean that thegang leaders are probably elsewhere, but are not,if it is considered that what we face are contingent of battalions of criminals operating across the geography of the country and, as I have argued, its criminal logic leads them to vie for the market of the blackmailed victims that reside in Colombian metropolis.The recent announcement of the Episcopal Conference that four of these "battalions" are willing to negotiate the reintegration of their "5,000 troops" confirms the idea that it is not merely a few "bands" of criminals.Surely that many refined ethnographies of homicidal violence in Colombia are moving forward today, but the overall vision that is presented here succinctly suggests that there are demonstrations and geographical determinism to be considered to deal with the killers effectively but also that the future generations will charge us the precarious state of societal ethical value of life, thoughwe count with more bilingual graduates with great math skills.
The contrast of the phenomenon between spatial regimes is relatively clear: where more wealth is produced incidence of homicide is higher; or, in the same sense, the homicide rate decreases systematically among municipalities whose flow of population is contracted in a moderate or persistent manner.Additionally, such incidence is slightly higher in cities than in towns from its immediate area of influence so that murder is a diseconomy of agglomeration that increases the fear of victimization of the residents in this spatial regime in relation to the others.

FATAL TRAFFIC ACCIDENTS
In recent years, the Colombian cities have experienced an unprecedented outbreak of death in traffic accidents that have caused the general condemnation and in a customary manner, the tightening of penalties for drivers who in a drunken state incur culpable homicide.The golden rule of driving that is sobriety behind the wheel, has been transgressed for a long time to reach the level of a pandemic.The private vehicle in the hands of drunkards has crippled many lives, but also people drunk with narcissism and arrogance that try to impose their standard of "get away coz I'm here" about traffic rules, cause numerous fatalities daily.Several reasons encourage this phenomenon.On the one hand, it has been mentioned in recent years that the exosomatism is part of a lifestyle linked both to ostentation as to the satisfaction of universal needs.In the Colombian metropolis, there are upscale residences of at least ten private parking spaces, while motorcycles have become a way of life in a society that values less job stability but more the speed of business interactions.The incompetence of the drivers of public transport and a system that absurdly rewards their physical exertion until exhaustion, are another cause of a significant portion of these lost lives.Overall, the persistence and stability of this rate of deaths in traffic accidents at such a high level as presented in Table 4, reflect the hostility that is experienced in urban roads, metropolitan and national roads and that, in the near future, should lead to a rethinking of systems and regulations in that land passenger mobility is supported because, as we have seen, in the bad example of congressmen and senior officials of the governmentwho attempt to use their position to contain sanctions and, when they do, encourage other citizens to follow the same behavior.
The metropolized municipalities that are part of the first spatial regime have experienced the highest rate.Much of this is due to the absence of a metropolitan mobility policy and poor complementary regulations.When in a metropolitan core regulations such as the "carrot time" is adapted, for example, the regulated activity is relocated in the municipalities and within its immediate area of  influence, extending motorway sections and thus, their inherent risks.The municipalities of stable and moderate growth located in the road to the Ocean towards the north of the country, mainly in the savanna Cesarense, and the ones previously mentioned, the Path to the Llanos Foothills near Llano, have experienced the most significant increase in the last decade in the incidence of deaths in traffic accidents on its population.

Other fatal accidents
The conviction of the randomness of the conventional neglect or chance as causes of the lethality of fatal accidents hinders any effective approach to an epidemiology.The formulation of new hypotheses is indispensable condition to overcome this state of ignorance.When the metropolis on account of the construction boom in height becomes vertical, the risk of detachment from the top also increases for both the construction workers and residents in the buildings.Similarly, the daily innovations in consumer lifestyle and the acceleration of everyday interactions demand to the human beings greater efforts so that their senses promptly capture the threats that loom over.Stress occurs because of the succession of all kinds of exaltations which occurred in an environment that is never the same, as some of these innovations have altered it, then overpowering the overconfidence as a result of misjudgment of environmental immutability.This rule applies to all cases, from the fall in height to the choking from food intake or drink.
Table 5 shows a statistical regularity,and is that as one moves down the hierarchy of spatial regimes, the incidence of deaths from this type of fatal accidents increases significantly.Such regularity associated to hypothesis of the innovations indicates that the senses of residents in the areas with greater agglomerations are keener to perceive and adapt to the environmental mutations that they cause.

Suicide
The multi-causation is a recurring argument in the different epidemiological studies that center on suicide.When the suicide is self-inflicted the death is because, in one's judgment, one's personality is routinely bent by tight family regimes, academic or occupational that frequently, one is judged to be unable to address the present and future needs of himself and his dependents, or because one is overwhelmed by an unknown future life but is warned that it is extremely problematic.These triggers of suicide do not know spatial regimes; the results are presented in Table 6.In other words, the crisis can occur anywhere and at any time, in the same way that the incompatibility between freedom required for the development of the personality and rigid family, academic or occupational schemes is a-spatial.

Final thoughts
Expectations about the advent of the long awaited peace among Colombians have increased the flow of initiatives for the development after achieving it.The post-conflict proposals are intertwined with those of peace, as it should be, because the world of the violent people and their victims covering the everyday behaviors of one or the other has overlapped.Violent deaths intensity differences in spatial regimes require different policies.The output of this Orwellian universe does not tolerate pointless debates.Every human relationship is, by our nature, conflictive.But the violent resolution of internal armed conflict should quickly result in a substantial reduction leading to the elimination of murder and, for this, the analytical contribution of this geography of homicide could well support a post-conflict strategy consistent with the intensity reached by the phenomenon.The lethality of traffic accidents would be reduced substantially with institutional changes that make viable initiatives of supra-jurisdictional coordination of everyday life, such as the assignment of local autonomy in the matter to a metropolitan-scale mobility authority.But both deaths in traffic accidents as those arising in the other accidents, only can be successfully faced with the substantial reduction of the flexibility of the labor contract, cause un-scrutinized from the acceleration of the pace of everyday life that arise from one or another type of deaths.When such flexibility is accompanied by some of the four causes of underemployment-by capacities, remuneration, working hours and labor-abuse, personal crisis ensues and that triggers suicide.Therefore, the substantial reduction and eventual elimination of violent deaths in Colombia are closely related to the cultural and political revival of the ethical value of life and with the renewal of the significance of the contribution of the work to the development.

Figure 1 .
Figure 1.Distribution of the violent deaths by modality, Colombia 2004-2013.Source: Based on statistics of necropsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, published in Forensis.

Figure 2 .
Figure 2. Incidence of homicide in Colombia 2004-2013 (Rate per 100,000 population).Source: Calculations based on statistics from autopsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences published in Forensis, IGAC mapping and municipal census population statistics and projections DANE.

Figure 3 .
Figure 3. Incidence of deaths in traffic accidents in Colombia 2004-2013.(Rate per 100,000 population).Source: Calculations based on statistics from autopsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences published in Forensis, IGAC mapping and municipal census population statistics and projections DANE.

Figure 4 .
Figure 4. Incidence of deaths in other accidents in Colombia 2004-2013 (Rate per 100,000 population) Source: Calculations based on statistics from autopsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences published in Forensis, IGAC mapping and municipal census population statistics and projections DANE.

Figure 5 .
Figure 5. Incidence of suicides in Colombia 2004-2013.(Rate per 100,000 population) Source: Calculations based on statistics from autopsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences published in Forensis, IGAC mapping and municipal census population statistics and projections DANE.

Figure 6 .
Figure 6.Incidence of violent deaths in Colombia 2004-2013 (Rate per 100,000 population).Source: Calculations based on statistics from autopsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences published in Forensis, IGAC mapping and municipal census population statistics and projections DANE.

Table 1 .
Incidence of violent deaths, Colombia 2004-2013 (Rate for 100.000population).Source: Based on statistics of necropsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, published in Forensis, and the census statistics and municipal population projections of DANE.

Table 2 .
The spatial regimes in Colombia.

Table 3 .
Rate of homicide per 100,000 habitants and spatial regimes, Colombia 2004-2013.Source: Calculations based on statistics of necropsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and forensic sciences published in Forensis, and statistical census and DANE municipal population projections.

Table 4 .
Rate of deaths in traffic accidents per 100,000 habitants and spatial regimes, Colombia 2004-2013.Source: Calculations based on statistics of necropsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and forensic sciences published in Forensis, and statistical census and DANE municipal population projections.

Table 5 .
Rate of deaths in other lethal accidents per 100,000 habitants and spatial regime, Colombia 2004-2013.
Source: Calculations based on statistics of necropsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and forensic sciences published in Forensis, and statistical census and DANE municipal population projections.

Table 6 .
Rate of suicides per 100,000 habitants and spatial regimes, Colombia 2004-2013.Source: Calculations based on statistics of necropsies of the Colombian Institute of Legal Medicine and forensic sciences published in Forensis, and statistical census and DANE municipal population projections.