According to the NGO Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE), more than 4 million persons were victims of evictions between 2003 and 2006 - 2 million in Africa. An estimated, 100 million persons are homeless and more than a billion are inadequately housed. By 2050, the United Nations estimates that 3 billion persons will be living in slums with most of these persons found in the developing nations albeit no continent is, nor will be, spared.

For the U. N. Commission on Human Settlements (UN-Habitat) and the Global Strategy for Shelter,  “‘shelter for all’ means affordable shelter for all groups in all types of settlements, meeting the basic requirements of affordability, tenurial security, structural stability and infrastructural support, with convenient access to em-ployment and community services and facilities”. Demanding the right to adequate housing implies fighting for the inclusion of the most vulnerable people in society and forcing governments to respect their legal obligation to guarantee a life of dignity. This implies also fighting forced evictions, illegal in international law but of which hundreds of thousands of persons are victims every year (Golay and Özden, 2007).

The actions of city government can make matters worse for the poor, through inappropriate and repressive policies and interventions, or they can be supportive, for example, by ensuring access to essential infrastructure and services (Devas, 2004). The denial, de jure or de facto, of the right to adequate housing brings in its wake dramatic consequences and causes numerous violations of human rights in such areas as employment, education, health, social ties, participation in decision-making (denial of civil rights, among others). This, in turn could generate conflicts in urban centres where the need for shelter space remains daunting (Golay and Özden, 2007).

The problems of haphazard urban construction and the question of squatter settlements presents a major challenge in most Cameroonian cities (Fombe and Balgah, 2010; Amawa and Kimengsi, 2012; Achankeng, 2003; Ndenecho and Lambi, 2002). This represents a series urban governance challenge since it can impair the attainment of Vision 2035 which aims at transforming Cameroon into “An Emerging Economy by 2035”.  As a follow up on the need to ensure Urban and Regional Development and Environmental Protection as noted in Challenge Number four of “Cameroon Vision 2035” this study falls within the current urban development pre-occupation of Cameroon (Cameroon Vision, 2015). It is within this context that there is a need to suggest a framework for urban housing improvement and conflict prevention in the face of expected population increase[D1] . 

As a response to the pressing needs to ensure orderliness in urban centres, city authorities in Cameroon embarked on the notion of demolition of sub-standard structures and the consequent rendering of the poor urbanites homeless. This then magnifies the conflicts and assumes a more perceptible phase. The later case arises due to the open confrontations between recalcitrant city dwellers who resist the demolition exercise on the one hand, and on the other hand, it ensues when some structures which ought to have been demolished are spared either due to complicity or because the owner is influential and/or has a political leaning. This unfair situation where justice seems to target the poor generally generates feelings of resentment and nutures a “violent volcano” which when finally allowed to “erupt”, might be the root cause of a modern day civil unrest in Cameroonian cities.

The problem and objectives[S2]

It is truism that the anarchical sprawling of settlements is the reason behind the massive urban disarray observed in Cameroonian cities today. This is due to the fact that most of these structures were constructed without the respect of the laid down construction norms (Fombe and Balgah, 2010). This situation is applicable to Kumba which is the largest town in the South West Region of Cameroon. The centrality and nodal attribute of the Kumba has made it a point of reception for migrants from other parts of the South West Region. As the town receives migrants continually, conflicts have emerged as people are either unable to secure adequate and affordable housing leading to poor urban construction, or they are forced to contend with an ‘unacceptable situation’ of demolition of structures by the government.

The problems of haphazard urban construction (Tchawa, 2009; Ndenecho and Lambi, 2002), and the question of squatter settlements present a major challenge in most Cameroonian cities such as Kribi (Tchawa, 2009), Buea (Amawa and Kimengsi, 2012), Bamenda (Achankeng, 2003), Douala and Yaounde (Ndencho and Lambi, 2002; Fogwe and Lambi, 2001). Sustainable urban development remains complex in part by the nature of human occupancy of the urban space (Tchawa, 2009).This represents a series urban governance challenge since it can impair the attainment of Vision 2035 which aims at transforming Cameroon into “An Emerging Economy by 2035” (Cameroon Vision, 2015). Although many scholars have researched on housing problems in Cameroonian cities (Fombe and Balgah, 2010; Amawa and Kimengsi, 2012), very little attention has been paid to the development of a housing improvement and conflict prevention framework. This paper seeks to address the current research gap by using the case study of a classical Cameroonian town – Kumba. The proposed framework could create an enabling environment for the improvement of the housing conditions of urban dwellers so as to prevent a more degenerative option of demolition which could be avoided from the inception. The lessons and experiences could also be adapted to  solve  housing-driven  conflicts  within other cities in Cameroon, and may serve as a guide to the designation of policies for adequate housing and conflict prevention.

A structured interview was conducted in which 60 persons were interviewed (20 each) from the three subdivisions that make up Kumba. The interviews were directed to those who were affected by the problem of poor housing and demolition, municipal authorities and the Delegation of Urban Development and Housing. In this study, particular focus was given to the Fiango and Mbonge Road neighbourhoods which were greatly affected by the demolition exercise. This was done to assess the root causes of the development of poorly constructed houses and their connection with potential conflict development. Three focus group discussions were done – two involving tenants and one involving landlords. Each focus group discussion consisted of 8 participants each who were mainly household heads of ages between 30 t0 55. Each focus group had at least 3 female participants. The key issues raised as far as urban problems are concern include the scarcity of good quality housing which translates to high rents and the rapid development of slums, among others. The participants comprised principally of operators of the informal sector, tenants and landlords. The interactive sessions among these diverse groups presented a platform for the current urban housing governance practices to be examined and how they can be improved upon.

Given the sensitive nature of the housing demolition exercise, the study had to obtain data from these sources in a bid to triangulate information. In addition, this study employed the use of a survey research method in which the three council areas of Kumba were targeted to elicit some of the peculiar problems of urban housing and their potentials for conflict generation. Field visits were made during periods of demolition such as in January 2012. This was a very important period were the realities of confrontations arising from the resistance to demolition were observed.

Based on the interactions through interviews and focus group discussions, complemented by secondary sources, the researcher heavily employed the content analysis approach. This was characterised by the transcription and examination of participant’s diverse opinions. One of the key challenges in this method employed is the fact that it does not show in quantitative terms the situation. The study preferred the use of content analysis in order to clearly analyse without eliminating or suppressing the views expressed through interviews and focus groups discussions. Caution was employed in order to avoid a situation of over or under representation of the actual situation on the ground. Hence, it was preferable to interact and deduce from the series of discussions their views of the current situation.

From the triangulated information, the researchers developed a housing improvement and conflict prevention framework which gives directives for synergy among the diverse urban development stakeholders in Kumba.

Population data was obtained from the Kumba City Council Records, BUCREP and from population projections. Five year population projections were done for the 2010 to 2030 period using the formula: P3 = P1 + N/n (P2 – P1)            

Where; P3 = Population of the year to be projected.

P1 = Population of the previous year.

P2 = Population of the current year.

N = Period P1 and P3 (years).

n = Period P1 and P2 (years).

The rationale for such projection is that it  gives  us  an  insight  into what could be expected as far as the demand for adequate housing is concerned in this town and what should be done in order to prevent rising housing-driven conflicts. Kumba which is the headquarters and the economic capital of Meme Division of Cameroon is located between latitude 3^o, 4’’N of the equator and longitude 9^o, 10’’ east of the Greenwich Meridian with a total surface area of about 800km² (Kumba Urban Council, 1995). It is bounded to the north by Barombi Kotto, to the south by Mukonje and Matumba II, to the east by Mabanda and to the west by Kake II (Figure 1). Kumba is a town in Cameroon with a colonial history; it has gone through pre-colonial through colonial and post-colonial developments and can therefore be used to picture the Cameroonian situation. In addition, it acts as a redistribution centre for all divisions of the Southwest Region and it is a transit zone to Nigeria through Mundemba and other creek zones of the Region. It is the most populated town in the region (Kumba Urban Council, 2003), suggesting that its housing challenges are, indeed, pressing (Figure 1).

[S1]

The driving forces of housing conflicts in Kumba include among others population increase, inaequate shelter, institutional  challenges   (involving  difficulty  in  obtaining builsing permits, poor urban planning and non respect of building codes), poverty and high rents. Between 1960 and 2014, more than 50% increase in rents was registered for all categories of houses in Kumba. These factors manifests through self-generative conflicts which emanates from frustration, anarchical sprawling of settlements, demolition and confrontations, selective demolition and the absence of relocation facilities. Synergy among urban development stakeholders (local population, council authorities, delegation of Urban Development and Housing, landlords and FEICOM) represents a logical way forward in the institutions of suggested interventions in the domain of creating economic opportunities at the periphery to stem rural exodus, securing support for real estate development, avoiding forced eviction / creating relocation schemes, and reducing bottlenecks in the acquisition / construction of houses.

The authors have not declared any conflict of interests