Sex ratio is one of the important demographic characteristic of society depending directly on incidence of birth, death and marriage. Sex ratio is a powerful indicator of the social health of any society and is a sensitive indicator of women’s status as it conveys a great deal about the state of gender relations (Patel, 2004:887), especially in terms of women’s health and position in any society (Barakade, 2012:1). Imbalance in sex ratio reflects the unequal position of females in a highly sexist, gender discriminatory social order. It shows how much artificial interventions and asymmetrical social placement (social status) have distorted the biological trend and natural balance in terms of number of females per thousand males (GoJK, 2008:65). Noble laureate Economist, Amartya Sen has coined the term “missing women” to describe the growing deficit of women in the world. Referring to the massive decline in the sex ratio in the whole world especially in Asia, he concludes that 100 million of women are missing from the population totals of seven nations (Sen, 1989:14-29). He also noted that while the overall sex ratio for females in China, India and South  Korea  has  marginally  improved but the alarming fact is that the sex ratio for female children in these countries is actually deteriorating (Sen, 1990) because they are showing a deficit of females for long and still this ratio is in favor of men and proportion of women has continuously been declining (Barakade, 2012:1). In most parts of the globe, fewer females are born, yet females, as compared to their male counter-parts, typically survive longer to exceed the males numerically at any given point of time. However, this demographic attribute eludes India where male decisively out-number the females and women constitute less than half of the total population. Indian subcontinent represents extreme manifestation of adverse female to male sex ratios in the South Asia.

Imbalance in sex ratio (i.e., a gap between number of females and males) generates a lot of demographic, social and ethical problem (Waheed, 2007:33). Decline in sex ratio has attracted the interest and has become a debatable issue not only among demographers but also among scholars working in other fields such as sociology, gender studies, history and medicine, thereby bringing together perspectives from these disciplines. Demographic, sociological and economic research has concentrated on analyzing the reasons for the low and declining sex ratio. Demographers have focused on the number of ‘missing women’ pointing to fertility decline and son preference as causes; sociologists have analyzed son preference in terms of low status of women, caused by social practices of hypergamous and exogamous marriage systems; and economists focus on lower labor force participation and the consequent need for dowry as compensation. Females are constructed as the inferior, less valuable sex and are often projected as burden on the family while sons are considered valuable for various reasons such as support to parents in old age, continuing the lineage, inheriting property etc. while daughters are constructed as being dispensable (Kaur, 2004:2595) and as a net drain on parental resources in patrilineal and patrilocal communities (Dasgupta, 2000:643-689).

The decline in sex ratio is an issue of great concern as it shows that our society is still dominated by patriarchal values, beliefs and practices manifesting itself in the form of discrimination against females. The concern over the declining trends in sex ratios has been voiced in the Indian Census reports (Nath, 1991: 2148-52). The 2011 Census has exposed some noteworthy and perturbing features with regard to sex ratio. It has not only stayed low but has actually deteriorated. The sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir is 883 females per thousand males as per 2011 census against 892 in 2001. Sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir varies considerably from one region to another, reaching its highest levels in the Kashmir Division and lowest in Ladakh.

Objectives

The main objectives of the present study are:

 (i) to bring into limelight the trend and pattern of sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir as well as across its districts;

(ii) to explore the possible causes and consequences of decline in sex ratio; and

(iii) to put forward suggestions for planners and policy makers that might help in resolving the issue of declining sex ratio in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

The present study is based on the secondary sources such as Census of India, National Family Health Surveys and other governmental and non-governmental reports. It is an advantage that latest database regarding sex ratio both at state and district level is available for analysis. The data have been analyzed for sex ratio as the number of females per 1000 males. The sex ratio is calculated by using the formulae,

As far as the spatio-temporal analysis of the variation in sex ratio in the state of Jammu and Kashmir is concerned, statistics in terms of measures of central tendency such as minimum (min), maximum (max), average (Mean), standard deviation (S.D) and coefficient of variation (CV) is calculated across both districts and decadal censuses. However it is coefficient of variation which has been used for analysis of spatio-temporal variation in sex ratio in the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Changing trend in sex ratio is explained in terms of increase or decline in number of females across the census decades. Decline or fall in sex ratio is conceptualized as decline or fall in number of females per thousand males and improvement/increase or positive trend in sex ratio as increase in number of females per thousand males. In the present study, pattern and changing trend in sex ratio is discussed in terms of overall sex ratio (OSR). To explain the temporal trend in sex ratio, figures are calculated by subtracting the figures of current census year from preceding census year and decline in sex ratio is made explicit as numbers with negative sign whereas the increase in the same with positive sign. However as far as spatial distribution of decline in sex ratio is concerned, analysis of the trend is explained not only at divisional level but also at district level across its rural and urban areas. Though the Census of India has not fully released all the census data but the  information provided is sufficient for exploring the pattern and trend in sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir. Furthermore, data from National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3) of India and Jammu and Kashmir along with District Level Household Survey (DLHS-3) has also been used in support of arguments regarding the causes of decline in sex ratio. The paper is descriptive, analytical and diagnostic in nature.

The State of Jammu and Kashmir is one of the largest States of the Indian Union and is situated in the lap of mighty Himalayas. It lies between 32^o15^’ and 37^o05^’ North latitude and 72^o35^’ and 83^o20^’ East longitude. The total area of the state is about 2, 22,236 sq.kms of which 78,114 sq.kms are what constitutes Pakistan administrated Kashmir and 37,555 sq.kms under China. In addition to this 5,180 sq.kms of Jammu and Kashmir were handed over by Pakistan to China. This leaves the State with an area of 1, 01,387 sq.kms, and  this  is  what constitutes the Indian administrated Kashmir or Jammu and Kashmir. The State of Jammu and Kashmir is one of the largest States of the Indian Union. The Indian State of Jammu and Kashmir comprises three natural regions: Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh with 22 districts, 82 tehsils, 143 Community Development Blocks and 4128 Panchayats, 6551 villages, and 86 towns (GoJK, 2012:1).  Prior to execution of procedural work of 2011 Census, eight new districts were carved out from the fourteen districts of 2001 Census. These newly carved districts are Bandipora, Ganderbal, Shupian, Kulgam, Ramban, Kishtwar, Reasi and Samba. According to the 2011 Provisional Census figures, the total population of the state is twelve million five lakh forty eight thousand nine hundred twenty six (1, 25, 48,926 persons). Further break-up of population by gender shows that six million six lakh sixty five thousand five hundred sixty one (66, 65,561) are males and five million eight lakh eighty three thousand three hundred sixty five (58, 83,365) are females. The distribution of population reveals striking variation at the district level. The accentuation of population is mostly found in the districts of Baramulla, Srinagar, Anantnag and Jammu. Out of the 22 districts of the state, Jammu has the highest population and Kargil has the lowest. The population density of Jammu and Kashmir is 124 in Census 2011, highest in Ganderbal district (1151) and lowest in Leh (3).

Spatio-temporal distribution and variation in sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir

Sex ratio is one among the demographic characteristics of a population of any country or state and this demo-graphic variable can never remain unaffected by the changes that take place in the socio-economic conditions of a particular region at a particular period of time and over a period of time. Therefore it is necessary to have a look at the pattern of its distribution and variation across the districts in a particular decadal census as well as across decadal censuses in a particular district of the state of Jammu and Kashmir

As far as the analysis of variation in sex ratio across the districts in a particular decadal census as given in Table 1 is concerned, it is the census of 2011 which depicts larger variation with CV (0.09) whereas census of 1991 reported least variation with CV (0.02). The figures for this census are projections because census operation was not carried in Jammu and Kashmir as the state was entrapped in turmoil because it was the time when the leaders of freedom movement overtly began to challenge the Indian occupation of state. Moving away from the analysis of variation in sex ratio across the districts in a particular decadal census to analysis of variation in sex ratio across decadal censuses in a particular district of Jammu and Kashmir, it has been found that, it is the Leh district which has reported larger variation in sex ratio with CV value  (0.17)  whereas  the  districts  which  have reported least variation in sex ratio are Punch, Doda and Kishtwar with CV value (0.01) for each district. Leh is a Buddhist dominated district whereas Punch, Doda and Kishtwar are Muslim dominated districts. It is the Leh district only where females outnumber men in the first three census decades, i.e., 1951, 1961 and 1971, but what is abysmal is that it is also the same district which has now reported the lowest sex ratio in the state in 2011. Such kind of a situation necessitates an intervention on the part of researchers to find out the causes of such a sharp decline and its consequences for the referred geographical area.

Changing trend in sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir

Sex ratio (number of females per one thousand males) is one of the basic indicators of status of women in society. India’s low sex ratio signifies the inferior position which women occupy in society (Mayer, 1999:324). India has been struggling with an unusual problem whereby the sex ratios- numbers of females per 1000 males- have been declining to extremely low levels. While the total population of India has been growing at an alarming rate over the past 50 years, the number of women relative to men has been steadily dwindling though with exceptional increase in some census reports. The changing trend in sex ratio in India and Jammu and Kashmir is made clear in Table 2 and Figure 1.

It can be noticed from Table 2 that the sex ratio or female-male ratio reported in 2011 census in the state of Jammu and Kashmir is 883 which is lower than the sex ratio at national level, i.e. 940 by 57 females per thousand males. Census information that is available reveals that since the independence of India, sex ratio has fallen from 946 in 1951 to 940 in 2011 whereas in case of state of Jammu and Kashmir, it has first shown an upward trend from 873 in 1951 to 892 in 1981 and later a decline from 892 in 1981 to 883 in 2011. This is the time period in which the state on the one hand  has remained disturbed due to the ongoing conflict and on the other, has moved ahead on the path of socio-economic development especially education. Why this has been so necessitates further exploration. Furthermore, the state has always lagged behind the country in terms of the sex ratio, though the gap showed a downward trend from 1971 to 2001. However what is important to note is that the sex ratio in the state has improved from 873 in 1951 to 883 in 2011 and this is a healthy sign as far as the status of women in the state is concerned.

While moving away from the comparative analysis of changing trend in sex ratio in India and Jammu and Kashmir, it is felt necessary to explain the changing trend in sex ratio across the districts of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Having a glance at Table 3 reveals that Ladakh Division (961) shows child sex ratio in favor of females in comparison to Jammu (874) and Kashmir (861) whereas Overall   Sex   Ratio   (OSR)  is  favorable  to  females  in Kashmir Division (901) in comparison to Ladakh (679) and Jammu Division (888). As far as district wise distribution of child sex ratio (CSR) is concerned, it is highest in Kargil (978) and lowest in Samba (787) district; whereas in case of overall sex ratio (OSR), it is highest in Shupian (951) and Kulgam (951) and lowest in Leh (583). This age specific decline in sex ratio in Ladakh division as well as across its districts might be due to harsh climatic conditions and undulating topography. The role of other possible determinants cannot be underestimated and therefore need to be investigated.

Though census figures from 1951 to 2011 for overall sex ratio across the districts of Jammu and Kashmir are available,  in  the  present  study,  focus  of  discussion  is status and changing trend in OSR in 2001 and 2011. Analysis of the data for the period of study i.e., 2001-2011 depicts that there is decline in sex ratio in state of Jammu and Kashmir (-9) as well as across its divisions-Kashmir (-13), Ladakh division (-151) and Jammu (-1) though the pace of decline is somewhat negligible in case of the latter division. As far as district wise trend in OSR is concerned, the districts which have shown negative trend or decline in sex ratio are Kupwara (-63), Badgam (-48), Baramulla (-32), Ganderbal (-48), Pulwama (-29), Leh (-240), Kargil (-62), Punch (-29), Rajouri (-15), Kathua (-21), and Samba (-11) whereas the districts where the OSR is in favour of females are Bandipora (17), Srinagar (38), Shupian (1), Anantnag (26), Kulgam (6), Doda (9), Ramban (12), Kishtiwar (13), Udhampur (17), Reasi (11), and Jammu (6).

The distribution pattern and trend in sex ratio in Jammu and Kashmir at the district level across both the census years, i.e., 2001 and 2011 is given in Figures 2 and 3. To make the picture more comprehensible, OSR (overall sex ratio) is subdivided into five categories: (1) >800=very low, (2) 800-849 = low, (3) 850-899 = medium, (4) 900-949 = high, (5) <950 = very high. In 2001 Census, there was no district reporting sex ratio very low or very high whereas in 2011 Census, there are on the one hand two districts namely Leh and Kargil falling in very low category. On the other hand, there are two districts namely Shupian and Kulgam which were successful in minimizing the gap in number of males and females and the sex ratio in these two districts is now above the national average of 940. In the category of low, Kupwara has replaced Leh, Kargil, Srinagar and Udhampur whereas in the medium category, Bandipora and Ramban are replaced by Baramulla, Udhampur, Ganderbal, Kathua, Srinagar, Badgam and Punch. In the category of high, Baramulla, Badgam, Ganderbal, Punch, Kupwara, Shupian and Kulgam are substituted by Ramban and Bandipora. It is surprising to note that among the eight newly carved districts, six have shown sex ratio in favour of females, in spite of the fact that literacy rate in these districts is lagging behind those districts which have reported high literacy rate but male biased sex ratio.

It is a well known fact that place of residence whether rural or urban directly or indirectly affects the socio-economic status of its residents. This is because there are differences in availability of public utilities related to education, employment and health in rural and urban areas and in comparison to rural areas, people in urban areas enjoy better availability of these public utilities.

Table 4 shows the sex ratio for the state as well as districts by rural and urban  population  across  2001  and  2011 Census. In 2001, there was only one district namely Shupian where the sex ratio in urban areas was higher than the rural areas where as in 2011, there are three districts viz., Badgam, Ganderbal and Kargil where the sex ratio of rural areas is lagging behind the urban areas. This means that in most of the districts, males have outnumbered females in the urban than in rural population, i.e. sex ratio is urban areas is low as compared to rural areas. The reason for this trend is the easy availability and access to sex determination facilities for women in urban areas as well as the constant pressure of limiting the size of family that forces them to minimize the possibility of birth of girl child. As far as the pattern of change in sex ratio during 2001-2011 is concerned, it is aptly clear that decline in sex ratio has been noticed more in rural population than in urban population. The possible cause for this declining trend may the gradual increase in literacy rate and thus awareness in rural population and the availability of advanced medical facilities and both these factors along with the strong patriarchal control over the reproductive capacity of rural women push them to go for sex determination and later the abortion of female fetus.

Sex ratio and literacy rate

According to the Census of India, a person who can both read and write with understanding in any language is considered as literate. A person who can merely read but cannot write is not a literate. The benefits of educating women are manifold, ranging from increased productivity, economic development and increased female  autonomy.

Female literacy is recognized as a basic indicator of development (Browne and Barrett, 1991:275-85) as it was found to be associated proportionally to life expectancy and inversely with child mortality. Educated women have lower levels of fertility, which in turn, are associated with increased survival of female infants because having smaller number of children increases the value of each child (Oberman, 2003:493-514). Better educated women experience lower levels of morbidity, mortality and disability and have fewer children (Ross and Mirowsky, 1999; Doornbous and Kramhout, 1990 cited in Chawla, 2007:1). Thus based on the above statements, it can be rightly deduced that higher the level of literacy rate in society, higher will be the gender parity in society because education not only enhances the status of members of society but also leads to delay in marriages resulting in lowering of fertility rate and increasing the value of each child especially in case of smaller number of children born to a family.

However the picture coming out from the analysis of Table 5 seems quite opposite to the statements as it is quite difficult to explain the relationship between relative change in education and sex ratio because on the one hand, those districts which have recorded fairly high literacy  rate   (e.g.,  Leh,  Kargil,  Samba,  Jammu)  have reported low sex ratio; and on the other, there are districts (e.g., Bandipora, Kulgam, Anantnag, Doda) which despite of having low literacy have shown sex ratios in favor of females. This is especially the case with female literacy and sex ratio because on the one hand the districts which have shown increase in female literary rate especially in rural areas have also revealed a decline in sex ratio and on the other hand, there are districts where the female urban literacy rate has not improved too much, the sex ratio is in favor of females. Therefore, it is possible that factors other than education are still playing key role in deciding the fate of female child in both rural and urban areas of the state in general and districts in particular.  The situation is complicated and it is not easy to find out which factor or factors are directly or indirectly influencing the trend in sex ratio in the state. Exploration of such factors therefore necessitates empirical investigation.

In Indian society, gender discrimination prevails from womb to tomb.  Decline in number of females per 1000 males or what we call sex ratio is one such illustration of gender discrimination. It is difficult to point out any particular reason for the decline in sex ratio in the area of study. Some of the factors which are responsible for decline in sex ratio are: son preference and sex selective abortions, neglect of females in nutrition and health care resulting in higher mortality and socio-cultural practices like dowry. These factors are briefly elaborated in the following sub-headings.

Son preference and female foeticide

The problem  of  imbalanced  sex  ratios  exists  because sons are associated with prestige in the community and social power. Through sons, a family can perpetuate the family line and ensure the continuity of the family name. Furthermore, any lands given to a son will most likely remain within the family (Bandyopadhyay, 2003:910-27). In agrarian societies, sons are desirable as hands to work in the field, and small towns value sons as an asset in the fight against the “encroaching” urban society (Khanna, 1997:171-80). In addition, many couples depend on a son to care for them in their old age and assist in the financial stability of the family (Sheth, 2006:185-86). The fact that the contribution of female as daughter, sister, wife and mother in taking care of family members especially in the contemporary society cannot be denied but what is unfortunate is that it is not recognized in the similar way as that of their male counterparts (Abbott, 2005:171-97). In analysis of data as given in NFHS-3, Jammu and Kashmir substantiates these arguments. The percentage of ever married women aged 15-49 years who prefer more sons than daughters  is  29.0  percents against 3.6 per cent of those who prefer more daughters than sons. Similarly percentage of ever married women who wish to have at least one son is 83.5 per cent against 78.7 percent of those (ever married women) who wish to have at least one daughter (IIPSb, 2006:46). This means that patriarchal ideological is all pervasive in the state of Jammu and Kashmir because preference for sons is still higher than preference for daughters and this has its repercussions in declining number of female child.

Excess female child mortality is most pronounced for girls who have older sisters, and that it is usually absent or slight in the case of ?rst born girls (Das Gupta, 1987:77-100; Arnold et. al., 1998:301-15). This statement is substantiated by the figures as given in DLHS, Jammu and Kashmir in which it is reported that the sex of additional/ next child is still preferred male and it increases as the number of living children increases while as in case of girl child, the trend is vice-versa. The preference for additional/ next child as son is 13.3 per cent in case of where the women has no child and it climbs up to 71.1 per cent in families where there are already four plus children. On the contrary, the preference for girl child is as low as 2.3 percent among women with no child. Though there first seems to be an improvement in preference for girl child in situations where women have one (12.9 per cent) or two children (14.2 per cent) but it again shows a declining trend among women with more than 4 children (6.2 per cent). However as far as percentage share of women for whom gender of new born child ‘doesn’t matter’ and those who left this decision ‘up to God’ has been highest in case of no child and then shows a declining trend as the number of children increases (IIPSc, 2010:59). This suffices the dictum “First by Chance and Second by Choice”, i.e., if the fetus of second pregnancy is female in the case where the first birth is female, it has diminished chances of going to full term. A female baby born under these conditions has very low chances of survival. The stronger the son preference, the more intense will be the discrimination against the daughters. This, in its most extreme form results in the death of daughters either in the form of foeticide through abortions or infanticide through neglect.

In the recent times, infanticide has taken the shape of female foeticide, i.e., killing of baby inside the womb, more popularly known as feticide. The decline in sex ratio has been interpreted as the consequence of more sex selective abortions of the female fetuses. Because of the sophisticated machines and madicalisation of birth, it becomes easier for parents to get rid of their “unwanted girl child” because it is the girl child which has to bear the brunt of gender bias and deep rooted prejudice as inferior sex. It highlights the impact of perverse social and cultural factors related to marriage practice and dowry, as well as role of women in household level decisions (GoJK, 2008:66). Recent developments in medical technology have increased parental choice and reduced the cost of choosing boys. The latest advances in modern medical sciences have quickened the pace of death of girl child from the born to unborn stage (Goswami, 2007:335). The development of amniocentesis in the 1980s and ultrasound screening subsequently made foetal sex determination possible, thereby permitting selective abortion. Though the act of carrying out the pre-natal sex determination test has been declared illegal under the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, 1994 in India (which was later amended in May, 2001 to make it more stringent), what is unfortunate is that the Act from its very inception in 1994 has not been successful to curb the misuse of medical technology and it is now illegal used even now in rural areas. The misuse of this modern technology is so rampant in India that it is believed that around 10 million female fetuses may have been aborted over the last two decades. This kind of pre-selection had caused a loss of about 50,000 female fetuses every year (Aravamudan, 2007:47). Since pre-selection of fetus has been declared illegal, so there is no accurate information about how many clinics are performing this illegal act and how many such incidences of female foeticide and abortions are carried out resulting in diminution of number of girl child in the country in general and in the state of Jammu and Kashmir in particular.

Gender discrimination in nutrition and health care

India’s low sex ratio is “the starkest index of the oppress-sion of women” and the higher death rate among women is because girls are given less food and health care (Omvedt, 1978:382) which has contributed to their higher mortality (Srinivasan, 1994:3233). The excess mortality of females is the consequence of ‘discrimination against females’ that include less favorable access to food and health care for females (Das Gupta, 1987:77-100; Kundu and Sahu, 1991:2341-42). About  half  of  the  population, particularly women and children –the most vulnerable groups- suffer from various forms of malnutrition and a quarter of them suffer from severe malnutrition. Gender disparities in nutrition are evident from infancy to adulthood. Girls are breastfed less frequently and for shorter durations in infancy; in childhood and adulthood, males are fed first and better. Adult women consume fewer calories per day than men. The percentage share of women in consumption of food items such as milk or curd, pulses or beans, dark green leafy vegetables, fruits, eggs, fish, chicken or meat, and fish is 70.7, 71.6, 90.5, 49.6, 20.4, 3.0, 44.0, and 44.4 per cent against 79.8, 77.0, 94.5, 57.4, 31.7, 7.0, 46.9 and 48.1 per cent among men respectively (IIPSa, 2007:302-03). This means that consumption of all food items especially of those which are rich in protein content such as fish, egg, milk or curd and pulses or beans at least once in a week among women in Jammu and Kashmir is low in comparison to their male counterparts. Two major consequences of nutritional deprivation for women are failure to achieve their full growth potential and widespread anemia. These conditions not only complicate childbearing and result in maternal and infant deaths, maternal depletion, and low birth weight infants, but also severely affect women’s productivity and quality of life. The risk of malnutrition is higher among children especially girls whose mothers suffer from chronic energy deficiency (Radhakrishna and Ravi, 2004:675).

Women’s height can be used to identify women at risk of having a difficult delivery, since small stature is often related to small pelvic size. This often creates complication at the time of delivery and may even lead to maternal death. The risk of having a baby with a low birth weight is also higher for mothers who are short. In Jammu and Kashmir, 4.8 percent of women are under 145 cm in height (IIPSa, 2007:308) meaning that they are nutritionally at risk. Another indicator which is vibrantly used to assess the extent of malnutrition is Body Mass Index (BMI). Body Mass Index is calculated as . BMI below 18.4 and above 24.9 is categorized as thin and overweight or obese respectively. The percentage of women in the state of Jammu and Kashmir who fall in the category of thin include 24.6 percent of those who are total thin (>18.5 BMI), 15.5 percent who are mildly thin (17.0-18.4 BMI) and 9.1 percent of those who are moderately or severely thin (<17.0 BMI). Further the percentage of women who fall in the category of overweight or obese include 16.7 per cent of those who are overweight or obese (≥25.0 BMI), 13.4 per cent of those who are overweight (25.0-29.9 BMI) and 3.3 per cent of those who are obese (≥30.0 BMI) (IIPSa, 2007:308). Women of the state suffer from a dual burden of malnutrition, with near half being either too thin or overweight.

Anaemia is yet another important index of diet related problems. It is a condition where the number of red blood cells in the blood is below ‘normal’ for age and sex of the individual (Kumar and Devi, 2010:15). Anaemia can result in maternal mortality, weakness, diminished physi-cal and mental capacity, increased morbidity from infectious diseases, perinatal mortality, premature delivery, low birth weight, and (in children) impaired cognitive performance, motor development, and scholastic achievement (IIPSb, 2009:20). More than half of women aged 15-49 years (52.1%) in Jammu and Kashmir have anaemia, including 37.3 percent with mild anaemia, 13.1 percent with moderate anaemia, and 1.6 percent with severe anaemia (IIPSb, 2009:89). Children of mothers who have anemia are much more likely to be anemic. Women in the state also suffer from the health problem of asthma (897), diabetes (540) and goiter (237) (IIPSb, 2009:99).  Therefore, it can be rightly stated that female mortality either due to malnutrition or due to prevalence of diseases can be cause responsible for decline in number of females in the state.

Research using longitudinal data from Bangladesh has been important in suggesting that what really counts in modern circumstances are differences in the behavior of parents toward sons and daughters in matters of health care. Thus, if a son becomes ill, he is more likely to receive medical treatment (Chen et al., 1981:55-70). This gender biasness in behavior of parents in medical treatment of their children is also found in Jammu and Kashmir where  in case of diseases like fever and pneumonia, boys in comparison to girls were paid more attention and medical treatment was sought for them (IIPSb, 2009:70). Discrimination of girl child in relation to health care would exacerbate the incidences of mortality in female population.

Mortality differentials

Higher female mortality is a prime reason for low female-male ratios (Visaria, P.M, 1971). India’s low sex ratio appears to be the result of differential mortality arising from the neglect of female children (Sen, 1985). There is a definite sequence in discrimination against the girl child that increases with age. Excess female child mortality is encountered in the post-neonatal period itself (Agnihotri, 2000). Excess female mortality from discriminatory behavior can extend well beyond childhood. Female death rates in India now exceed those of males at all ages below 20 years. But as recently as 1970, female death rates were higher at all ages below 40 years (Visaria, L. 2005:32-56). Thus, it can be rightly argued that discrimination against females begin at the unborn stage in the form of foeticide and is latter transformed in different forms of mortalities such as under-five mortality, natal mortality-neo-natal and post-neo-natal and child mortality. Under-five mortality in state as well as in its rural and urban areas is 54, 55 and 45 for girls against 46, 49 and 34  for  boys  respectively  (SRS,  2009).  This gender gap in under-five mortality is cause of worry because higher the gender gap in under-five mortality, the more adverse will be the consequences in terms of decline in sex ratio. The incidence of neo-natal mortality is higher among boys (35.2 per cent) than girls (28.2 per cent) whereas post-neo-natal mortality is higher among girls (14.4 per cent) than boys (12.9 per cent). What is surprising to note is that child mortality among girls (11.6 per cent) is two times higher than boys (6.2 per cent) (IIPSb, 2009:59). This analysis is therefore in congruence with the statement that female mortality increase with the age. Excess female mortality may therefore be one among the reasons for decrease in the number of females in population of state.

Dowry

Committee on the ‘Status of Women in India’ in its land marking report concluded that “an increase in the neglect of female lives as an expendable asset” is “the only reasonable explanation for the declining sex ratio observed to persist over several decades” (GOI, 1975:375). Many communities in India still practice the custom of dowry in which a daughter’s family gives money or property to the family of groom. The dowry is usually given either to show off and maintain family’s honor or as a necessary condition for a suitable mate for the daughter. Various studies have concluded that it is this custom of dowry which is the main factor behind daughter disfavor (Murthy, 1996:20-27). The custom of dowry is practiced in the state of Jammu and Kashmir though its degree and kind varies across region, religion and social categories. It has changed its form from being mere voluntary gifts to huge demands made by bride’s in-laws in the form of cash and kind to the family of the bride. Dowry has many ill effects in the society. In paying this dowry, many families exhaust their resources and many have to borrow funds either from relatives and friends or in some cases from commercial banks to fulfill the demands. Accordingly, families avoid these situations by carefully monitoring the number of daughters in their family. This process can take many forms and can vary from subtle neglect to outright cruelty in the forms of feticide or infanticide. Dowry has now become a social problem reflected in bride burning, harassment and physical torture of the young brides and various kinds of pressure tactics being adopted by the husband and/or in-laws that affect the well being of the victimized women. Hence it lowers the status of women in the society and therefore could be one of the factors responsible for decline in sex ratio in the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Under-enumeration of females

Under-enumeration of females as a  cause  of  decline  in sex ratio is not agreed upon by all scholars. However, there are few scholars such as Bhat (2002:244-45) who argues that in a society, where female autonomy is low and son preference is strong; there is possibility that females are under-counted more than males in censuses. Females might have been under-enumerated in the state of Jammu and Kashmir especially in cases where the gender of previous births is female. This is because some families feel sense of ignominy in reporting the birth of the new born child when the gender of the same is female. Secondly, there would have been under counting of females particularly elderly widows and single women especially where the enumerators are newly recruited local employees. The ongoing turmoil situation in state might have aggravated this process of under-enumeration especially in remote and hilly areas where there is threat among enumerators of either being killed due to accidents or become the victim of armed conflict. Further, the enumerators are mainly government servants and they sometimes take things for granted and in some cases are pressurized by the authorities to manipulate the figures to avoid the criticism of the state apparatus.

It is however possible that there may be other determinants of decline in female-male ratio which have not been dealt in the present study. They need to be investigated through field work research.

Decline in female-male ratio or sex ratio has potentially many serious consequences. Few important ones are briefly discussed below:

1. Imbalance in sex population of society helps to sustain patriarchy. Females would fear for their safety because excess female child mortality will move up the ratio of men to women at adult ages, and so extend the age range over which men outnumber women in the population. This fear will restrict the free movement of women as they will remain under the constant threat of being victim of crimes like abduction, rape, molestation, eve teasing and even murder. Such incidents have been recently reported in the various regions of the state (Bhat, 2014).

2. Bride trafficking will become rampant and women will be forced by their families to marry at younger ages (South, 1988:19-31). Young brides and their children are also more likely to susceptible to increased morbidity and mortality associated with early pregnancy and child birth. Non-availability of marriageable women will lead to ‘import’ of women from areas with a better sex ratio. The price put on such a girl is much less than what people pay for cattle. After marriage, these brides are condemned to a life of slavery (Jain, 2006:22). This is happening in states like Punjab and Haryana because in these states, men of  marriageable  age  are  not  able  to find suitable partners and thus they buy brides from other states like Assam, West Bengal, and Bihar etc. The import of women from other states for marriage is now practiced especially among the lower echelons of the society in Jammu and Kashmir.

3. Bride-sharing or what is called as forced polyandry–in which multiple men, typically related, share the same women as wife can lead to increased maternal mortality rate and sex related violence (Khanna, 1997:171-80). This would even lead to abduction and trafficking of girls and even the expansion of the sex industry with the magnitude of spreading sexually transmitted diseases. Though such cases have not yet been reported overtly, if the problem of decline in sex ratio is not solved right now, the practice of bride-sharing will become a norm in our society.

4. Excess female mortality would result in availability of fewer women of reproductive age in the population and this will exert a downward effect on birth rates.

Despite the many programmes and legal exercises enacted in an attempt to improve the status of females by helping them to achieve a better and more equal position in all spheres of life, India’s progress towards balancing sex ratio continues to be constant challenge. There is an urgent need to address the number of critical issues which lie beneath the problem of this form of gender discrimination. These issues need to be addressed carefully so as to evolve a strategy to combat the problem. Keeping this in view some remedial measures are suggested below:

1. There is desperate need for carrying out series of activities for generating awareness through rallies, wall writing campaigns, poster competitions, street plays, mass media both electronic and print etc. among the people about the decline in sex ratio and its dire consequences on the society at large. There is need for gender sensitization. Females should be treated at par with males in all spheres of life. Participation of civil society, political and social activists, professional bodies as well religious and spiritual leaders in these activities is not only important but essential.

2. Economic support in the form of scholarships, free health care and education and social support at the time of marriage should be provided to families with higher number of girls.

3. State should take steps to enforce the laws related to rights of females properly in letter and spirit. Laws like Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostics Techniques (Prohibition of Sex Selection) Act, 1994 and the Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Act, 1994 (PNDT) need to be made more stringent to stop the heinous crime of female foeticide. Sting operations on illegal ultrasound clinics and nursing homes need to be carried out so that the guilty are punished.  The   police  along  with  Judiciary  should  act promptly when such cases are reported to them so that justice is delivered by punishing the culprits at right time.

4. There is need to bring attitudinal change among the planners by sensitizing them to be gender neutral as and when they formulate programmes and policies so that more focus should be on gender equality and justice; and

5. NGOs independently or in collaboration with government authorities have to play a very important role to intervene in solving this problem which if unattended will lead to catastrophic situation where men will act like beasts always busy in predating women’s body and sexuality.

Parts of this study was presented at 38^th All India Sociological Conference on “Contemporary Indian Society: Challenges and Responses” held on December, 27-29, 2012, Organized by Department of Sociology, Mohanlal Sukhadia University, Udaipur (Rajasthan).

The author has not declared any conflict of interests.