ABSTRACT
This study identifies and analyzes the different expressions of violence during physical education courses among a school population, and the pedagogical strategies of teachers to reduce violence in Brazzaville, Congo. Based on a survey of students of high schools from disadvantaged environment and teachers, a cross-sectional and analytical survey was carried out from January to April 2019. The activity "volleyball" was taught to the students during the survey. Two questionnaires were used as data collection tools in the research. The instruments were developed by the researcher. Arithmetic mean, standard deviation, normality test, student’s test and analysis of variance were used for data analysis. The students explain the reasons for violence during physical education courses in three major trends: symbolic violence (devaluing appreciation and unjustified repetitive sanctions by teachers), physical violence (particularly unbalanced timetables), and incivility acts and verbal abuses. To palliate this violence, teachers use several socio-didactic strategies. The results of the study show the need to promote remediate strategies for reducing violence in physical education.
Key words: Physical education, violence, secondary education, disadvantaged environment.
The last decade of the 20th century and in these first twenty years of the new era are characterized in sub-Saharan Africa in general, particularly in the Republic of Congo by "re-democratizations" translated by socio-political conflicts (Longonda, 2000; Bowao, 2005). These conflicts led to a significant migratory flow in the Republic of Congo with the reception of Rwandan refugees in 1997, Congolese of the Democratic Republic of Congo in 1997 and 2005, and Central Africans in 2015, under the control of the High Commission of Nations United for Refugees (UNHCR). The previous text comes down to this topic. Thus, the demographic heterogeneity generated in the major cities of the Congo, particularly in Brazzaville and associated with the Congolese ethnic diversity, generated different modes of communication led to attitudes and reactions of violence in school environment related to the incomprehension between students as indicated by Wilder (1992). Therefore, the Congolese social context has been unbalanced and disturbed, and remains so nowadays; an observation supported by a report of UNICEF (2007). It is in this context that a large number of Brazzavillian children and adolescents present different psychological disorders (academic delay, violence, incivility, etc.), excluded mental illnesses (Ndebani, 2007), which are observed in schools. Even if violence has always existed due to the fact that "the human relationship is a violent relationship" (Pain, 2006: 27), in the school sphere more trivial incivilities, such as rudeness, heckling, threats, noise, etc. are observed, which are all less spectacular "microviolences" but just as disturbing in the progression of the courses if they are repeated (Debardieux, 2006). These acts of inter-student violence, the resurgence of incivility, the lack of respect for authority (administrative staff and teachers) by the students in the high schools of Brazzaville which have been observed over the past ten years, reflect these dysfunctions.
However, several studies have shown that in difficult environments teaching is experienced as a permanent battle in the face of school disorder (Ndebani, 2007; Felner et al., 1995). Faced with this academic disorder, understanding the construction of collective activity through the analysis of processes then makes it possible to coordinate the individual activities of the teacher and students during the lesson (Blache, 2008). This goes, among other things, through the didactic contract (Brousseau, 1989: 95-101) and the shared contract (Blaya, 2010: 225). These allow us to understand how the teacher can take into account the activity of students from such backgrounds and on the other hand how students can learn from the activity of other students and that of the teacher, to successfully build a shared workspace. Furthermore, a collective activity conducive to cooperative work in a class requires a minimum of coordination, sharing and mutual understanding between the actors (Potvin and Rousseau, 1993). Thus, in high schools that are in difficult environments, teachers are constantly forced to establish minimum rules for community life and recall of their authority while ensuring the construction of this coordination.
With regard to physical education, this school discipline uses physical and sporting and artistic activities as teaching means. However, it is recognized that sport participates in the learning of socially desirable attitudes and values (Conseil de l’Europe, 2015). According to Durand and Weil, "the social skills acquired in the sporting practice at school want to be automatically transferable to the school and extracurricular life, thus making physical activities and sports in physical education a fundamental agent of socialization" (Durand and Weil, 2017: 14). Conversely, referring to the theory of social learning (Bandura, 1980), some authors consider sport as a place to learn aggressive behavior and one of the main culprits of current violence (Sabatier and Pfister, 1995; Augustin, 2009). It is in this context that one must study not only the determining factors of violence in the social conditions of teaching physical education in different societies, but also the educational strategies to remedy it. In the Congo, only one study has been partially devoted to violence in physical education at school (Boumpoutou, 2016). In the context of Congolese secondary education, where class sizes are plentiful (N>100) (MEN, 2018) and the social strata increasingly poorer (WHO, 2018), it seemed to us necessary to grant a special attention to this topic.
Aim of the research
From the above, the central question of this study is formulated as follows: how do the factors of violence in physical education linked to the diversity of pupils that constitute an obstacle to supply education focused on citizenship in a disadvantaged Congolese environment? Two secondary questions are corollaries to this main question: (1) What are the factors of violence in Physical Education (PE) perceived by pupils and teachers in disadvantaged Congolese surroundings? (2) In what way and how are the teaching strategies likely to minimize the risks of violence in physical education among said students?
To answer these questions, the following hypotheses were formulated: 1) The violence in PE perceived by pupils and teachers in disadvantaged Congolese environment is due to heterogeneity (national, religious), social, the situation of disadvantaged and unstructured families, the work / individual effort ratio, the varied psychological profiles, the relationship to Physical and Artistic Activities and Sports (PAAS) and the social value of PE, the attitude of the teacher; 2) The adaptive process supported by the choice of PAASs, the use of precise vocabulary, differentiated pedagogy and the psychological dimension, the need to recall principles (secularity, use of clothing tools), the creativity of sociability, the reflexive attitude, the search for compromise with the pupils allow the actors to coordinate their actions and work together in view of improve the educational climate and reduce violence in PE. The objectives of this work are: 1) to identify the factors of violence in physical education among Congolese students from disadvantaged backgrounds ; 2) to analyze the determining factors and the teachers' perceptions with a view to remediation.
Research model
The study consisted of a cross-sectional survey based on questionnaires. In this regard, it is useful to emphasize the legitimization of questionnaires as a method of evaluating conceptions. Despite the interest of tools that do not directly probe representations, it was considered that questionnaires constitute the minimum basis of any study on conceptions (Giordan et al., 2007; del Bayle, 2015). For this reason, this method was used, which makes it possible to collect reliable information on violence emitted by pupils during physical education in disadvantaged areas. This approach was also chosen by Mviri et al. (2018) to identify the factors of chronic absenteeism during physical education in Congolese students. The study was conducted between October 15 2018 and March 05 2019 in Brazzaville (capital of the Republic of Congo). This procedure uses statistical potential to identify the determinants of classroom violence during PE. The interest of the study lies in the awareness of the educational community of violence in PE by the partners of pedagogical action in Congolese difficult environment through the implementation of appropriate strategies of learning to remedy this violence.
Population
The population of this city has been estimated at 1.513.526 inhabitants, children enrolled in upper secondary education (high schools) representing 14% of Congolese population (CNSEE, 2017). Out of a total of 231,472 pupils attending the 7 public high schools in Brazzaville, 3 successive random draws at 1/3 made it possible to retain 3,572 pupils. However, only 367 pupils satisfied the inclusion criteria: pupil in the 1st scientific class, parent or guardian of low socioeconomic level regularity in PE courses, written consent to participate in the study, seniority of at least one year in the establishment within 5 years. These subjects were divided into 154 (44.7%) boys and 203 (55.3%) girls, between 15-23 years (mean age: 20.5 ± 1.2 years). The subjects were divided into two age groups: 15-18 years (n = 172; 46.9%) and 19-23 years (n = 195; 53.1%). The socioeconomic level of the student's parent or guardian has been defined according to the recommendations of the National Center for Statistics and Economic Studies of the Congo (CNSEE, 20017). The study also involved 93 physical education teachers, working in the 7 public high schools identified. However, only 36 teachers (21(58.3%) men and 15(41.7%) women) were included in the study, fulfilling the inclusion criteria: seniority in the exercise of the profession of EPS teacher at least. minus 3 years, written consent to participate in the study.
Experimental protocol
During the study period, all of the students surveyed were trained in volleyball. The learning contents, in accordance with program book of the National Institute of Research and Pedagogical Action (INRAP, 2002) of the Congo, included: the technical and tactical elements and gestures related to service, transmission and reception of ball; the behaviors associated with collective efficiency (choice between mutual aid and individual performance, skills), challenges or confrontation aimed at winning over the opponent by observing modifiable rules, the game of cooperation with a reduced workforce through workshop alternation focused on the situations of exchange, cooperation and success of the group, and reference situations (solicitation of physical engagement on ½ field, finding of the different aspects of volleyball, attack / defense of the target alone or collectively), within 28 h.
The study also involved physical education teachers, working in the 7 public high schools of the capital city of Brazzaville. For this, we used data from the physical education department of the city of Brazzaville to identify all the teachers working in this city. Thus, 93 teachers made up the target population. However, only 80 teachers (52 (65%) men and 28 (35%) women) were included in the study, fulfilling the inclusion criteria: seniority in the exercise of the profession of PE teacher at least minus 3 years, written consent to participate in the study. The reliability of this information was based on contacts and interviews with directors of high schools, directors of studies, heads of department of physical education, as well as educational inspectors.
Data collection tools
Development of questionnaires
The study was based on two questionnaires: the first, intended for students to examine their opinions and representations on violence in PE. The questionnaire included 29 items contained in 3 parts: 1) symbolic violence (9 items), 2) incivility, verbal violence and crimes (12 items), and 3) physical violence (8 items). In regards to the questionnaire intended for teachers (22 items), it aimed to identify the heterogeneous and didactic factors of violence in PE (5 and 6 items respectively), as well as the didactical and learning remedies proposed by them (11 items). Each item was evaluated according to a descriptive-numerical Likert type rating scale, ranging from 1, 3 to 5 : "pas d’accord" (1 point), "pas tout à fait d’accord" (3 points), "d’accord" (5 points), pour chaque facteur cité dans le questionnaire. The questionnaires were intended for physical education teachers and students and were designed as follows.
Data analysis
The data entered on Epi-Info version 6.1.1 has been transferred to the SPSS version 25.0 software. The normality distribution of data for each variable, skewness and possible outliers were examined with the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test. The distribution having obeyed the normal law, the established scores were expressed as mean ± SD. The comparison of two means was carried out using Student's test. Differences between 3 means were determined using an analysis of variance. In the case of a significant difference, a Tukey post hoc test used to identify the points of difference. Significance level of all tests was set as p<0.05.
Reasons for violence in EPS
The causes of student violence recorded in PE were linked to symbolic violence, physical violence, grounds for incivility, verbal violence and offences. The causes of physical violence in PE are presented in Table 1. The student responses were identical in terms of the teacher’s refusal to give the floor to the students. Furthermore, there was no significant difference between the opinions of girls and boys on the dissemination of personal information. Thus, the opinions of girls and boys regarding distrust and rejection by adults through their gaze were similar. However, girls spoke much more about devaluing appreciation compared to boys (p <0.001). Conversely, girls revealed more unjustified repetitive sanctions compared to boys (p <0.001). The results also show that girls were summoned by the supervisor or principal as well as boys as one of the determinants of violence in PE. Conversely, the summons of parents of students was significantly reported by boys as one of the factors of violence in PE compared to girls (p<0.001). However, the violence induced by temporary exclusion has unanimously approved by pupils of both sexes.
The causes of physical violence are listed in Table 2. Only girls attributed physical violence to the imbalance in timetables (p <0.001). However, students of both sexes unanimously attributed physical violence to the overcrowding, inadequate programs, dilapidated sport facilities and equipment, howling, projectile or aggressive behavior, and addictive behaviors of staff. Table 3 reports the reasons for incivility, verbal abuse and crimes identified by the students. The boys were the only ones to stigmatize authoritarianism in the educational relationship, willful ignorance, and insult linked to physical or moral aspects among the reasons for incivility, verbal abuse, and offences. On the other hand, the girls spoke of the adult's disrespectful attitude, contemptuous remarks, bias remarks against pupils, and sexism. However, students of both sexes unanimously pointed out mockery, stigma, humiliation, and rudeness towards parents as grounds for incivility, verbal abuse, and offences.
Teachers' perception of violence in PE
The heterogeneous factors of violence in PE perceived by teachers have been presented in Table 4. These results show that the men mentioned that the violence is linked to the culture and the verbal expression, contrary to the women who retained the motor failure of the pupils. Nevertheless, teachers of both sexes have expressed similar opinions on the social entertainments determining violence in PE. Table 5 presents the opinions of PE teachers on the didactic factors related to violence in PE. The factors identified were for women, the influence of the authority experienced in various ways and the PAAS to learn about violence in PE according to the teachers, against the different educational levels of students among men. However, teachers of both sexes of both sexes attribute PE violence to the varied psychological profiles of students. The teachers' adaptations to the socio-didactic factors of violence in PE are shown in Table 6.
To alleviate the violence in their lessons, the men called on the use of a clear vocabulary to take into account progress in learning, in pedagogical relationships, and vigilance over lazy students. However, no significant difference was observed between some socio-didactic adaptations to violence in PE mentioned by teachers of both sexes, in particular: the use of the psychological dimension, appropriate pedagogy, appropriate pedagogy, acquisition a more reflective attitude, and an approach to the expectations of the students.
The objectives of the study were to identify the factors of violence in physical education among Congolese students from disadvantaged backgrounds; to analyze the determining factors and the teachers' perceptions with a view to remediation. The results obtained show first of all that the summons of parents and unjustified repetitive sanctions exacerbate the violent behavior of pupils during PE (Table 1). This fact can be explained by the fact that the youngest always find it difficult to fully appreciate the advice or the reproaches of parents, of the social environment, especially if this undermines their expectations linked to "modernity". This behavior is more common in boys, in most cases in our societies in both Western and African countries: boys seem more belligerent and violent in reactions than girls (Atoukam et al., 2003).
Regarding the refusal to speak to pupils during learning as factors of violence, the opinions of the two sexes are comparable. This behavior is the very expression of the students' refusal to cooperate. He expresses their disagreement with the norms, learning practices or simply the development of a course, or more generally of the establishment, and their desire to question them. This refusal to participate is therefore passive resistance. It is therefore manifested in different collective or individual behaviors of the students. This is how some pupils forget their school affairs or make the wrong timetable, or even ignore it. These results, which corroborate those of Murdock (1999), make it possible to analyze the permanent danger which addresses this concern relating to the refusal of speech in learning.
Refusal to join can be manifested by active resistance from students. It is in this configuration that it exposes the protagonists to acts of violence. Indeed, students can refuse, individually or collectively, the activity proposed by the teacher, to take notes or even question, the skills of a teacher, whether or not accompanied by heckling. Likewise, they can organize a collective delay, or even refuse to enter the classroom in order to be interested in another activity. Such a sling, although relatively rare, destabilizes the teachers. It can take on greater proportions (insults, notorious disrespect or disobedience).
Females attributed physical abuse to the imbalance in timetables (Table 2). This can be explained by the lack of concentration in laissez-faire. The underlying motivation for this style is usually to stay in the organization without getting too involved. Tired, jaded, frustrated or demotivated, this teacher is content with the minimum required. The division of learning work and the simplification of tasks are taken to the extreme, offering no stimulus, no challenge to overwork, thereby generating monotonous and repetitive work. Seeking to avoid controversy, his conception of evaluation was limited to the strict minimum, avoiding drawing attention to his lack of commitment and / or, more seriously, to
his incompetence or incapacity.
Regarding physical violence, it is most often committed in public in front of the whole class or in the schoolyard out of sight, such as in the toilets or hidden corners that are not visible to teachers or supervisors. It is translated in the specific case essentially by fights, kicks, fists, as well as throwing stones and sand, which are linked to a disagreement with a teacher or a comrade. For example, a student may overturn a desk against one of their classmates whom they initially insulted for refusing to play with them. This fact can be explained, among other things, by the imbalance of timetables, singularly cited by girls. Our results join those of Marsenach and Mérand (1987) through the analysis of teachers' behaviors in teacher-student interaction. The student subject to violence is characterized by the lack of stimulation in learning associated with indifference, even lack of consideration. This can provoke in the child a production of the teacher's behavior which will result in a drop in motivation, resulting in a lack of cognitive commitment and persistence. But the pupils can also pay into another excess: faced with a withdrawal of a teacher, they may be tempted to lose the baton thanks to of collective heckling as a means of collective organization, helping to unite the group and create social ties (Le Ny, 2017: 124).
Sex also can pose an influence on the reactions and behaviors of human beings. Boys generally seem less tolerant; this lack of tolerance leads to a lack of consideration of the authority of the supervisor who may appear to him as an obstacle to his freedom. It is in this direction that the results in Table 3 indicated that the boys reported authoritarianism in the educational relationship, willful ignorance and insult linked to aspects of physical or moral among the reasons for incivility, verbal abuse and offence. On the other hand, the girls mentioned the disrespectful attitude of the adult, the contemptuous words, the bias words against the students and sexism.
Dignity has also been mentioned by girls and boys. Indeed, all humans show self-esteem and shame which are behaviors which, once violated, lead to outrage. The results also showed that students of both genders unanimously emphasized mockery, stigma, humiliation and rudeness towards parents as grounds for incivility, verbal abuse and offences. In this regard, the teacher and the student, who are two main actors in the education system, act but do not necessarily have the same point of view on physical violence in the school environment. The teacher, an actor in the republic education service, must share the values of the republic and register his action within the framework of the fundamental principles of the education system and within the regulatory framework of the school. He must also build, implement and animate teaching and learning situations taking into account the diversity of students, organize and ensure a group operating mode that promotes student learning and socialization, assess progress and student acquisitions. Consequently, violence appears as an obstacle preventing the achievement of the missions assigned by the actor of the education system.
The data in Table 3 also showed that sexism contributes to sexual violence among girls. In fact, "sexual violence" is sexual behavior exercised on a person without their consent. In a specific setting, it is the students who represent the subjects of sexual violence, and as such, they are the subject of particular attention in their environment. This sexual violence manifests itself in various forms: rape, desecration, indecent touch and exposure, sexual conversation, etc. (Dehia and Rebih, 2015).
Regarding perceptions of violence among teachers, it first appears to define this notion. Perception is a process by which an individual chooses, organizes, and interprets elements of external information to construct a coherent image of the world around him (Berkowitz, 1989). Several individuals subjected to the same stimulus may have different perceptions depending on the environment around them and according to their personal characteristics. The perception of information can be explained through the actions of the individual. His attitude is very often linked by the nature of the information to be identified; distortion results in the distortion of information, the final product of which can be relatively poorly appreciated, and the retention which manifests itself in the retention of information (Galand and Philippot, 2000). The perception of violence in PE by teachers in our study was divided into three groups.
The first group concerns the heterogeneous factors of violence in PSE. The results obtained and recorded in Table 4 showed that violence among men is linked to culture and verbal expression. On the other hand, according to the women, it is linked to the motor failure of the pupils. Furthermore, the diversity of assessments linked to sex indicates the diversity of manifestations of violence. Indeed, the difficulty of expression and the lack of culture can seriously hamper the education system, the culture being part of a human manifestation distances it from its species, because each people has its culture. Culture being a characteristic of a people, its verbal or motor stigmatization contributes to violence.
Our observations support the thesis of Saury et al. (2006) according to which the analysis of the nature of the relationships between the teacher and the taught within what he calls the "educational couple" reveals the incidences of violence, personality. These relationships can lead to two feelings or two types of opposite behavior: sympathy or antipathy, closeness or alienation (Famose, 2001: 72). The data in Table 4 also show that teachers of both sexes expressed similar opinions on social entertainment, an important determinant of violence in PE. It is known that modernity imported and imposed by scientific progress does not only have advantages. There are also disadvantages, for example the lack of concentration of the students, who are attracted to nonsense in the name of the fashion of our time.
The teachers' opinions on the didactic factors of violence in PE constituted the second group of parameters observed. The results in Table 5 reveal that the influence of variously experienced authority and the PAAS to learn constitute two factors of violence unanimously by teachers. The report to the PAAS and more generally to the PE discipline is differently assessed on its didactic consequences. First of all, students often have a representation of PAASs close to the benchmark social practice. Consequently, some of them have great difficulty entering a decontextualized learning situation. The challenge here is to initiate and maintain student engagement in a training process. Faced with this, the teacher is often faced with a lack of motivation on the part of the students. Secondly, the gender mix is often a source of conflict in the level of students' resources, in the reasons for engaging in practice and in representing the activity; this can lead the teacher to have to further differentiate the objectives pursued (Blache, 2008).
Consequently, must, under the pretext of starting from their representations, strictly respect their tastes, their choices, their wills, their attitudes, to finally subscribe to their desires and their desires and resolve not to change their representations. Do we have to offer something new, gradually introduce a new approach, even if it means disturbing them intellectually, to encourage them to change their operationalization, by bringing them to question their knowledge and by developing their conceptions, their thinking system or benchmark, which is nothing but their belief system? The answers to these questions are delicate because they are the result of a necessary compromise between taking into account the characteristics of the students and our legitimate ambition regarding their training. Nevertheless, it is undoubtedly by considering the second option that there will be a modification, a reshaping of their knowledge, the result of which will be a restructuring of their motor repertoire (capital of motor actions) with a constructive critical spirit. Therefore, we must accept the student as he is, while not allowing him to remain so.
The results of the study also showed that for teachers of both sexes, violence is a function of the varied psychological profile of students in PE. This can be attributed to the fact that the human environment has an influence on the behavior of the human being, especially of pupils whose educations (church, school, and home) are diverse. These different environments have a role in this system. The third group of parameters observed for teachers 'perception of violence in PE is linked to teachers' adaptations and no to the socio-didactic factors of violence. The results of this survey are shown in Table 6. The results indicate that only men have chosen as coping mechanisms for violence: the adoption of a clear vocabulary, progress in learning, pedagogical relationships, and watch out for lazy students. Indeed, the need to get the message out has always animated teachers. The achievement of the pedagogical objectives passes by the expression of the teacher towards the students through: knowledge, the process to teach and the process to learn. The result of this process is the training process in all students. This idea is similar to that of Reboul (2012) for whom all teaching in the service of the pupil owes it to the latter to acquire a better comprehension in his learning. It gives three meanings to the word "learn": "learn that" (information act), "learn to" (learning to acquire a skill), "learn" (activity whose purpose is to learn something) (Reboul, 2012).
Finally, we noted the absence of significant difference between some socio-didactic adaptations to violence in PE mentioned by teachers of both sexes: the use of the psychological dimension, the appropriate pedagogy, the appropriate pedagogy, the acquisition of '' a more reflexive attitude and approach to students' expectations. This observation can be explained by the fact that PE, in its richness and variety, uses both the specificity of each of the social and cultural practices, and what unites them. The role that the PE program then plays, in accordance with the classification of PAASs, must make it possible to ensure a "balanced menu" between activities and to enter different ways in the problem of "education for citizenship" (Havage and Bequignon, 1999: 1).
In view of the above, combating violence in physical education lessons more than in other school subjects should be one of the priorities of school authorities. For this, the adoption of effective and relevant educational strategies, putting the pupil at the center of learning, can promote the development of physical education while the implementation of coercive measures would increase these anti-values against those who have for most of today's societies are rebelling. However, such an enterprise relies on the necessary articulation of several actors: educators, parents, authorities of establishments, public authorities. It is only in this way that self-respecting sporting activities are practiced in physical education constitute means of combating violence at school and outside school.
The results obtained show that violence in schools and particularly in physical education stems from the heterogeneity of socio-psychological profiles, of pupils, of the relationship with PAAS and of the social value of PE, as well as attitudes of the teacher. The PE has long displayed its claims in this area of citizenship education, raising in particular at the frontispiece of its programs the necessary training of a "lucid, cultivated, autonomous citizen", and multiplying the citizen objectives: responsibility, solidarity, tolerance, and respect for the rules. Consequently, the data from the study presence suggest that the study of the psycho-pedagogical and didactic processes involved in the occurrence of violence in PE providing a pragmatic light admitting to fight against this scourge in an unfavorable environment.
The authors have not declared any conflict of interests.
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